One of the most controversial and extraordinary figures of the era - the hero Patriotic War 1812 and the Russian-Turkish wars, a loser of the Crimean War, a desperate officer and a completely confused general. No one still knows what this person really was.

For the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland!
Alexander Sergeevich Menshikov was a descendant of an associate of Peter the Great, His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Danilovich, about whom Alexander Pushkin said: "... of happiness, a darling, rootless, half-powerful ruler." The first of the famous Menshikovs, whom the first Russian emperor called "Danilych", was an extremely contradictory figure. A desperate and talented military man, a greedy and thieving courtier, smart and at the same time short-sighted ... Having lost the struggle for power in the reign of Peter II, Danilych and his family were sent into exile in Berezov and after a short time died of smallpox. But his son and daughter during the reign of Anna Ioannovna got the opportunity to return to the capital. Alexander Alexandrovich made a very successful career, in particular, he enjoyed the favor of Empress Catherine II, since he was the first to announce her accession to the throne of the inhabitants of Moscow, after which he swore the city to the new ruler.
The great-grandson of Alexander Danilovich, Alexander Sergeevich, was born in August 1787 (relatively exact date there are some discrepancies). The boy was brought up at home and received his education in Dresden. He was distinguished by excellent abilities, was fluent in several foreign languages. Public service he started at 18 by enrolling in the College of Foreign Affairs. His career was successful, but in 1809 the young man decided to become a military man. He was enlisted as a second lieutenant in the Life Guards Artillery and soon went to his first war - with Turkey.
The following year, Alexander Sergeevich became an adjutant of the commander of the Danube Army, N.M. Kamensky. Menshikov took a direct part in many battles and received both his first order - St. Vladimir IV degree for the occupation of Turtukai, and the first wound - a bullet in the leg near Rukhtsuk. The feats were appreciated - in 1811 the Guardsman became an aide-de-camp and was enrolled in the retinue of Emperor Alexander I.
At the beginning of the Patriotic War of 1812 Menshikov was in the active army, in the 1st Grenadier Division. He took part in many battles, including Borodino. A brave, energetic and capable officer received promotions, and at the end of the year he was transferred to the Preobrazhensky regiment - the flower of the guard. Then Alexander Sergeevich, as part of the Russian troops, went on a trip abroad.
And again he distinguished himself many times. For example, in incredibly difficult conditions, he managed to deliver a particularly important report to the Swedish commander, crown prince and future king (and in the recent past - Napoleon's marshal) Bernadotte. For his feat, the brave man was awarded the Swedish Order of the Sword. Russian awards did not bypass him either - for valor and military skill shown at Kulm, Leipzig and the capture of Paris, Menshikov received orders, an award weapon "For Courage", was awarded the high rank of Guards Colonel. Orders and titles were paid in blood - in March 1814, when Paris was captured, another wound followed.
Menshikov was distinguished by a lively mind and hard work, an excellent memory, was educated and well-read. It is not surprising that Alexander I singled out him, conferring the rank of Major General in 1816, making him Adjutant General and Quartermaster General of his General Staff. Alexander Sergeevich accompanied the emperor on trips to international congresses and travels across Russia (once again, we recall the work of Pushkin, who ironically called the tsar "a nomadic despot"). But in 1820, Menshikov's relationship with the all-powerful Arakcheev at that time did not work out. The latter decided to eliminate a possible competitor in the struggle for influence over the king by removing him from the capital. The ground officer was offered the post of commander ... of the Black Sea Fleet!
I involuntarily recall the story of the preparation of the Great Armada, the command of which was entrusted to the brave and noble, but completely unsuitable for this role, the Duke of Medina-Sidonia. Menshikov, who did not understand anything in naval affairs, was not enthusiastic about the proposal. This was followed by new attempts to remove the Most Serene Prince from St. Petersburg - for example, to send him as an envoy to Dresden (the capital of Saxony). It all ended with the resignation and departure to the estate, where Menshikov seriously engaged, oddly enough, studying the literature on naval affairs.
After the death of Alexander I and the accession to the throne of Nicholas I, Menshikov returned to active work. He carried out a responsible assignment of the emperor in Persia, then was sent to deal with the transformation of the Naval Ministry and at the beginning of 1828 was appointed chief of the newly established Main Naval Staff. But he did not manage to take a high post, since he went to the next war with Turkey, and to one of the most responsible posts. The fact is that the most important task of the Black Sea Fleet was considered to be the occupation of Turkish fortresses - first Anapa, then Varna.
The general command of the actions against Anapa was carried out by Admiral A.S. Greig (son of the hero of the Archipelago expedition), Menshikov headed all the landing troops. The strong Turkish fortress was forced to surrender on June 12 by joint actions of ships and landing forces. Greig's success was largely attributed to the commander of the landing troops, believing that the Russians owe victory to: “... the prudence, tirelessness and brilliant courage of Prince Menshikov, who, despite the desperate resistance of the enemy and the small number of the siege corps, managed to repel all the sorties of the garrison and attacks of the Circassians and brought the enemy to submission. "
In mid-July, active operations began near Varna, and on the 22nd the siege corps was headed by Menshikov, who had returned from the main apartment. He acted decisively and energetically, but could not bring the matter to victory, being once again seriously wounded. Varna surrendered to the new commander, MS Vorontsov, and at the last stage of the siege Nicholas I was also present there. The Emperor personally made sure that the Russian troops were opposed by a powerful stronghold. It is not surprising that the victors were honored with royal favors. Menshikov received the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky, a special gift to the hero was the Turkish cannon captured in Varna, presented according to the personal rescript of the tsar.

Courtier
Successful command, personal courage, shed blood - and even in combination with undoubted abilities - made the Most Serene Prince one of the closest to Nicholas I and influential people in Russian Empire... He became a member of the Council of State, took over as governor-general of Finland and at the same time remained chief of the Main Naval Staff. In 1833, Alexander Sergeevich received the rank of admiral. The Russian autocrat paid great attention to the fleet, but the activities of the Naval Ministry, headed by Admiral A. V. von Moller, did not suit him for a number of reasons. As a result, Menshikov gradually gained full power over the Russian imperial fleet, heading the Admiralty Council, and from February 1836 he himself became a naval minister.
Alas, the newly-minted minister was clearly insufficiently versed in maritime affairs. However, it is impossible to indiscriminately consider his activity to be a failure or, as Menshikov's most zealous accusers sometimes write, “harmful” all the same. Suffice it to say that the "detractors" of Alexander Sergeevich often oppose him to Admiral MP Lazarev.
At the same time, they somehow forget that the Most Serene Prince and a powerful dignitary supported practically all the proposals of Mikhail Petrovich, giving him considerable freedom of action. And if the state of affairs in the Baltic Fleet is often called unfavorable by researchers, then not only the heads and officials of the Naval Ministry were to blame for this, but also the naval admirals and officers themselves.
The undoubted disadvantage of the Russian fleet by the beginning of the Crimean War can be considered the small number of steamers in general and the absence of propeller driven ships in particular.
But it is ridiculous to accuse Menshikov of the weakness of the domestic industry. In the general backwardness of the empire, the Highness Prince was innocent, and in terms of introducing technical innovations he could not help but rely on the opinion of honored sailors. It was their judgments about the insufficient reliability of propeller driven ships that slowed down progress. At the same time, the introduction of first-class bombing guns in the fleet proceeded at a rapid pace and was often hampered not by the evil will of the minister, but by the capabilities of factories to manufacture barrels of proper quality.
It is worth noting that Menshikov has amassed many open enemies and secret ill-wishers. Some were jealous of his brilliant career and high position, others were offended by the prince himself. He knew how to give people accurate, but evil and humiliating characteristics, wrote witty, but extremely offensive epigrams. At the same time, the famous hero and talented poet Denis Davydov once said to Menshikov: “You, however, are so clever and so cleverly able to adjust your mind to everything in terms of diplomatic, military, naval, administrative, whatever you undertake, whatever you do tomorrow as a monk, at six months you will be a metropolitan. "
Before the start of the Crimean War, the emperor instructed Alexander Sergeevich to lead a mission to Constantinople. It is still unknown whether the task of the Russian diplomats and the military was really to reach an agreement, or whether the head of the mission had a verbal task to "break" the Turks at any cost. One way or another, but the result of the negotiations was a complete break between the countries, and then a war. Menshikov, appointed commander of the defense of the Crimea, very correctly assessed the state of affairs. He understood that his troops would not be able to resist the combined Anglo-French forces, and therefore demanded their strengthening. But in St. Petersburg, at first, they paid attention to the Danube Theater, then they began to fear enemy forces in the Baltic Sea, which indicated a threat to the capital.
After the allies landed in the Crimea, Menshikov acted unsuccessfully.
He showed no talent for leadership on the Alma and withdrew from the leadership of the troops during the Battle of Inkerman. The commander was even ready to leave Sevastopol. Nevertheless, he considered it necessary to organize an attack on the enemy base in Evpatoria and can hardly be blamed for its unsuccessful outcome.
But after this defeat, even the monarch, who favored the Most Serene Prince, had an unambiguous opinion that another person should lead the troops in the Crimea. There was a decent reason for the removal of Menshikov: in the fall of 1854, old wounds began to hurt in a far from young man. The final decision on the recall of the Most Serene Prince from the Crimea was made by the new emperor - Alexander II.
At the end of 1855, the admiral became the military governor of Kronstadt, but he held this post for only four months. After that Menshikov retired from active work. He died in the spring of 1869, at the age of 82.

Mission of Prince A.S. Menshikov

The Rubicon was crossed at the beginning of February 1853. A special embassy was preparing to be sent to Constantinople. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire, Count Karl Vasilyevich Nesselrode, suggested that the Tsar send to Istanbul on an extraordinary mission the well-known for their experience, insight and tact, PD Kiselev and AF Orlov. However, both rejected the dubious honor offered to him. The choice of the tsar fell on the naval minister, Prince A.S. Menshikov, an educated and witty man, but extremely superficial, ready, at an opportunity, to use the tactics of force pressure.

The prince himself wrote about his ability to conduct negotiations of this kind in a letter to the chief of staff of the Austrian army: “I have to do a trade for which I have very little ability, namely: the craft of a person who negotiates with the infidels about church matters.” And he added: "I cherish the hope that this will be the last act of activity for me in my life, very full of impressions, which requires peace."

A. S. Menshikov received strict instructions: to sign a secret convention that would put Turkey under the protection of Russia; as a last resort, sign a document in which the Sultan's court would recognize the rights of the Russian emperor as the supreme defender of the Orthodox population of the Ottoman Empire. Obviously, this development of events made the sovereignty of the Turkish Empire illusory.

Simultaneously with the preparation of the Menshikov embassy, ​​from February 10, 1853, measures were taken in Russia to partially mobilize troops and deploy them in the southwestern direction. Nicholas I addressed the commander-in-chief of the active army, I.F.Paskevich, and the minister of war with a note on the deployment of troops. By this time, the regular troops of Russia were consolidated into six army corps of a single composition. Corps 1 through 4 made up an active army deployed in a westerly direction; The 5th corps was located in the south of Podolia and in Novorossiya, the 6th was based in the central provinces. Both of these corps, together with the reserve cavalry, were subordinate to the Minister of War and constituted the strategic reserve of the army in the field. In the vicinity of St. Petersburg, the guard and grenadier corps were located, subordinate to a special commander. Separate corps - Caucasian, Orenburg, Siberian - and the troops stationed in Finland had their own composition and structure and were subordinate to the governor in the Caucasus and the corresponding governor-general. For the great European war, it was mainly the army corps with the support of the guard and reserve cavalry corps that were intended.

In February 1853, two more army corps were brought into action and deployed towards Turkey. Together with the 5th corps, the 5th light cavalry division and reinforcement units, they formed a grouping of troops numbering almost 200 thousand.

On February 11, 1853 A.S. Menshikov left Petersburg. His path lay through Bessarabia, where the headquarters of the 5th Army Corps was located in Chisinau. Then the prince went to Sevastopol. Here he inspected the Black Sea Fleet, and then with a huge retinue boarded the military steamer "Thunderbolt" and sailed to Constantinople. The prince's retinue included the chief of staff of the 5th Army Corps, General Nepokoichitsky, and Vice Admiral Kornilov, the chief of staff of the Black Sea Fleet.

A. S. Menshikov was carrying with him a draft convention with Turkey desirable for the tsar and a draft secret agreement in case "any European power" decided to prevent the sultan from fulfilling his promises to the tsar. In this case, Russia pledged to come to the aid of Turkey by sea and land forces. At the same time, the Russian government sent a letter to the Austrian emperor. The letter stated that the tsar wants to fight either "in alliance with Turkey against Napoleon III, or in alliance with Austria against Turkey." The first option seemed to the Russian government more promising, since in its implementation the tsar counted on the support of his "loyal allies" - Austria and Prussia. Be that as it may, the implementation of both options led to the defeat and division of the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, a significant part of the empire's lands went to Russia.

On February 28, 1853, the Thunderbolt arrived in Constantinople. Long, difficult negotiations began. On March 4 (16), A.S. Menshikov handed the Turkish Foreign Minister a note demanding that the Sultan renounce some of the concessions he had made to the Catholics. A week later, he repeated his demands, stating that "the demands of the imperial (Russian) government are categorical." Two days later, the prince again, in a more harsh form, declared that the Turkish government by its actions insults the Russian emperor, and in the Sultan's council they constantly oppose "the proposals of our sovereign." AS Menshikov demanded "quick and decisive satisfaction and correction of all grievances." He presented the Turkish Foreign Minister with a draft convention, which clearly stated the establishment of complete control by Russia over the Holy Places and the Orthodox population of the Ottoman Empire.

The Turks, having received the draft convention, intensified their consultations with the ambassadors of Great Britain and France. In the course of these consultations, they came to the conclusion that Great Britain and France would not leave them alone with Russia.

Napoleon III, when he learned of the tsar's note to the Turkish government, convened a council of ministers. The council considered the question of France's actions in these conditions. The emperor insisted on sending a naval squadron to the archipelago in the immediate vicinity of Turkey. But most of the ministers opposed this, since the position of England was not clear. Then the Minister of the Interior of Persigny spoke. He said: "When I listen to what the council is talking about here, I am tempted to ask myself, in what country and under what government do we live?" Answering his question, Persigny quite frankly justified the need for war with Russia not by a dispute over the Holy Places and not by the need to save Turkey, but above all by considerations domestic policy“France,” the minister continued, “will be humiliated in the eyes of the world, if, due to weakness, which has no name, we allow Russia to stretch out her hand over Constantinople, and this at a time when the sovereign, bearing the name of Napoleon, reigns in Paris, then we we need to tremble for France, we need to tremble for the emperor and for ourselves, because neither the army nor France will agree to be present at this shameful spectacle with arms in hand! " The minister went on to say that all of Europe would sympathize with France's actions. England will not stand aside either. “When it comes to England,” said Persigny, “what value can the opinion of any minister, even the opinion of the first minister, even the opinion of the queen have? .. A great social revolution took place in England. The aristocracy is no longer able to lead the country according to their passions or their prejudices. The aristocracy there is, as it were, the title page of the book, but the book itself is a great industrial development, this is the City of London, this is the bourgeoisie, a hundred times more numerous and richer than the aristocracy! " And the bourgeoisie unanimously opposes the Russian takeover: "On the day it learns that we are ready to stop the Russian campaign against Constantinople, it will emit a joyful exclamation and will stand by our side!"

The emperor liked the minister's speech. He stated: “Decisively, Persigny is right. If we send our fleet to Salamis (an island in the Saronic Gulf in the Aegean Sea), then England will do the same, the combined action of both fleets will also entail the unification of both peoples against Russia. " Napoleon III turned to the naval minister and said: "Monsieur Ducos, immediately send a telegraphic order to the fleet to Toulon to go to Salamis." On March 23, 1853, the French fleet sailed from Toulon in the indicated direction.

In Turkey, Menshikov behaved arrogantly. Negotiations with the Turks were difficult. The Turkish vizier tried to convince his Russian interlocutors: “In the name of the Lord, be moderate, do not drive us to extremes: you will force us to throw ourselves into the arms of others; we will make efforts to achieve a good agreement between the two sovereigns. Can this be achieved through violence? " He advised "to abandon the idea of ​​a contract, and then everything can be arranged."

On April 23 (May 5), 1853, A.S. Menshikov received two firmans signed by the Sultan concerning the Holy Places. But these documents did not satisfy the ambassador. On the same day, he sent a new note to the Turkish government. In it, he pointed out that the demands of the Russian government in the firm were not satisfied. They lack "guarantees for the future," and this "is the main concern of His Majesty the Emperor" (Nicholas I). In its own note

A.S. Menshikov insisted on the conclusion of an agreement between the tsar and the sultan and on the fact that the treaty should consolidate the international legal obligations of the sultan to the tsar and give the latter the right to intervene in the affairs of "professing the Orthodox cult" (and this was about half of the population of the Ottoman Empire) ... A.S. Menshikov demanded an answer from the Turkish government to his note no later than May 10th. Otherwise, he threatened to break off diplomatic relations and leave Constantinople.

The British government at this time continued to play its own diplomatic game and for the time being was in no hurry to send its fleet to the shores of Turkey. British diplomats continued to convince the Russian tsar of their loyalty. Meanwhile, on April 5, 1853, arrived in Constantinople new ambassador Great Britain Lord Stratford-Radcliffe. There was a situation in which Menshikov formally had to deal with the Turks and the French, but in fact - with the British ambassador. It was he who developed the tactics of negotiations with the Russians. He recommended to the Turks to behave with the Russians in a cautious and conciliatory manner in everything related to service in churches, and to clearly separate purely religious affairs from political ones. The diplomat did not forget that it was necessary to "warm up" public opinion in his country against Russia. He did not stop at the direct falsification of documents presented by Russia to Turkey. For example, instead of the words "to make representations" (before the Turkish authorities), as it was stated in the draft Russian-Turkish convention, it is translated into English language wrote: "give orders", distorting meaning and fueling militant sentiment in Britain.

So, the ambassador advised the Turkish government to give in to Menshikov's demands if they touched on points about the Holy Places. At the same time, further recommendations followed not to agree to the fact that these concessions were expressed in the form of a sened - an agreement between the Sultan and Nicholas I, that is, a document of international legal significance, and that the wording of these concessions did not include the right of the tsar interfere in the relationship between the Sultan and his Orthodox subjects.

The Turkish government, having received another note from A.S. Menshikov with ultimatum demands, again turned to the British Ambassador for consultations. Stratford-Radcliffe once again played a skillful game. Its essence boiled down to convincing the Russian ambassador that England was not at all going to help the Turks in the event of a war with Russia; and at the same time to convince the Turkish sultan and his ministers that England and France will not leave them and that to yield to Menshikov means for Turkey the renunciation of its state sovereignty. As for the British Prime Minister, Stratford portrayed that he was doing everything in his power to prevent a rift between Turkey and Russia. We can say that the game of the British Ambassador was a success.

Menshikov fell into well-spaced nets. With some bewilderment, he wrote: "The case of the Holy Places has been agreed between the French ambassador, Porto and me, the firms necessary for this are being prepared." In fact, all further negotiations took place under the supervision of the British ambassador, and all the "advice" (instructions) he gave to Grand Vizier Reshid Pasha were strictly followed. Following them, the Turks did not retreat one iota and flatly refused to accept any obligations to Russia.

Menshikov had to retreat: his last demarches contained only a request to preserve rights and privileges "on the basis of a strict status quo" Orthodox Church... In this case, no international act was required, the assurance of the Turkish side in a usual diplomatic note was enough. But this is exactly what Porta did not want, who eagerly listened to the British ambassador, who sought to "turn the issue from Russian into a common European one" and abolish the old rule that Russian diplomacy adhered to unswervingly - to resolve affairs with Turkey one-on-one, without allowing outside interference. And in European politics, Russia has always been completely alone on the Eastern question. The "Europeanization" of the problem meant the ousting of St. Petersburg from the region and the sovereignty of Great Britain here. In the end Great advice The Ottoman Empire rejected Menshikov's proposals, providing for the preservation of the previous formulations on the protection of Christians from Russia. Porta agreed to assume obligations only in relation to the construction of the Russian church and the hospice in Jerusalem. The meeting of diplomats from Great Britain, France, Austria and Prussia approved the position of Turkey on this issue. This is how the danger of the formation of an anti-Russian coalition was first identified. A.S. Menshikov announced the severance of diplomatic relations with Turkey and left Constantinople on May 21.

Meanwhile, by this time a number of European countries had developed about 12 projects for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The most significant of these is the so-called Vienna Note, developed by the representatives of France, Great Britain and Austria in the capital of the Habsburg monarchy, Vienna. By this act, the Sultan confirmed his loyalty to the letter and spirit of the provisions of the Kuchuk-Kainardzhiyskiy (1774) and Adrianople (1829) treaties on the patronage of the Christian religion. The states that proposed the project took upon themselves the control over the fulfillment of these conditions by Turkey. In this case, Russia let go of the right of patronage of the Orthodox in the Ottoman Empire. This was the meaning of the note - the head of the Foreign Office, Lord Clarendon, noted with satisfaction that the European powers were turning into "referees" in Russian-Turkish disputes. Petersburg hastened to agree with the Vienna note. But the British ambassador to Turkey persuaded Reshid Pasha to remove from the text of the note any mention of Russia's involvement in the patronage of the Orthodox and to attribute the care for them exclusively to the goodwill of the Sultan's Majesty.

Nicholas I, having suffered a diplomatic fiasco, decided to resort to threats again and on June 20, 1853 ordered the troops to occupy the Danube principalities - Moldavia and Wallachia, which were then part of the Ottoman Empire.

The decision to pressurize Turkey by force in the Russian government had not been ruled out earlier, but in the 20th of March the emperor considered the landing on the Bosphorus risky. At the same time, Nicholas I did not completely abandon him and ordered to gradually increase the number of troops on the border, not excluding the subsequent introduction of part of these troops into the Danube principalities. In case of intensification of hostilities, the Russian fleet was supposed to land troops in the Burgas-Varna region. At the same time, the time required for the final manning and formation of the 4th corps of General Dannenberg was calculated. According to the calculations of the headquarters of the active army, this took from 15 to 45 days. Its various units were to be ready to move into the border area between April 8 and May 10. The advance of the troops was planned to begin in the second decade of April. In this case, the divisions of the 4th corps were obliged to enter the territory of the Danube principalities by the beginning of June. The 3rd building began to move to the vacated apartments, for which it was allotted from 32 to 48 days. By the beginning of June, the troops were ready, and after spring diplomatic maneuvers on June 21, 1853, General Anrep's vanguard crossed the Prut in the Skulyan region. Within two weeks the territory of the Danube principalities was occupied by Russian troops.

Turkey in the last decade of June 1853 received from the British and French ambassadors confirmation of the possible entry of their squadrons into the Dardanelles in the event of the appearance of the Russian fleet near the Bosphorus. At the same time, the Turkish government sent a note to European capitals, including St. Petersburg, stating that the government was committed to respecting the rights of Orthodox subjects. At the same time, the government turned to European countries to guarantee these obligations to Russia. But the Russian government rejected the terms of the negotiations offered by the Turkish government. In early September 1853, K.V. Nesselrode explained that in St. Petersburg, within the framework of the Vienna note, they were expecting real recognition of Russia's right to protect the Orthodox population of the Ottoman Empire.

The Turkish government, having received such a response from Russia, convened a meeting of the highest dignitaries on September 25, 1853. At the meeting, it was decided to stop endless negotiations and declare war on Russia. A few days later, the country promulgated the Sultan's charter, which said that the Porta did everything possible to resolve the conflict over the Holy Places, but she could not agree to such an interpretation of the Kucuk-Kainardzhi treaty that would allow Russia to interfere in the internal affairs of Turkey. The Sultan demanded that the Russian troops leave the Danube principalities within 15 days. This ultimatum was conveyed by the commander of the Turkish troops Omer Pasha to the commander of the Russian troops M.D. Gorchakov on October 4, 1853. At the same time, the Turkish government appealed to the embassies of England and France with a request to send their squadrons into the Sea of ​​Marmara, which allowed Western states to promptly intervene in the development of events. At the same time, these states pretended to be looking for ways to peace, but the military machine was already picking up speed.

And on November 2, 1853, the tsarist manifesto on the beginning of the war with Turkey was promulgated in Russia. Nicholas I, declaring war on Turkey, still retained the hope for a peaceful settlement of the conflict and that Britain and France would not send their squadrons into the Black Sea. He also counted on the neutrality of Austria and Prussia. Perhaps this perception of the international situation prompted the Russian emperor to start active hostilities against Turkey in the Black Sea. The need for active action was also conditioned by the fact that Turkey began to transfer its troops to the territory of Georgia, to the area of ​​operations of Imam Shamil.

The Black Sea squadron under the command of Rear Admiral Pavel Stepanovich Nakhimov, in order to prevent the transfer of Turkish troops to the Caucasus, went on patrol at sea. At this time, the Turkish squadron under the command of Osman Pasha left Constantinople and headed towards the Caucasus. On the ships was a Turkish landing of several thousand people, ready to land on the coast in the area of ​​Sukhumi and Poti. The Turkish squadron, consisting of 7 frigates, 3 corvettes, 2 parahodofrigates, 2 brigs and 2 military transports (510 guns), stopped at the roadstead of the Turkish port of Sinop. The squadron was under cover of 38 coastal artillery guns.

Russian squadron (6 battleships and 2 frigates, 720 guns in total) blocked the Turkish squadron from the sea. PS Nakhimov decided to attack and defeat the Turkish squadron directly in the bay. His plan was to quickly introduce his ships into the roadstead of Sinop Bay in two-keel formation, anchor them and attack the enemy with all artillery.

The battle began on November 18 (30), 1853 at 12:30 and lasted until 17:00. The first to open fire on the Russian squadron entering the Sinop raid, Turkish ships and coastal artillery, but failed to achieve success.

The Russian ships took up comfortable positions and returned fire. Half an hour later, the Turkish flagship and one of the frigates, engulfed in flames, ran aground. Then the rest of the Turkish ships were set on fire or damaged, coastal batteries were suppressed and destroyed. In the battle, the Turks lost 15 of 16 ships and over 3 thousand people killed and wounded. About 200 people were captured, including Osman Pasha and the commanders of three ships. Only one of the Turkish steamers ("Taif"), commanded by the English adviser Osman Pasha, was able to escape and go to the open sea. And the Russians in this battle lost 37 people killed and 235 were wounded, almost all ships were seriously damaged.

The defeat of the Turkish squadron significantly weakened the naval forces of Turkey and thwarted its plans to land troops on the coast of the Caucasus. At the same time, the victory of Russia at Sinop caused the displeasure of the European countries. The desired pretext for unleashing the European conflict was present. The European powers received a reason to accuse Petersburg of violating their obligations. After all, the Turkish squadron was shot in its own bay. At the same time, the explosions of ships and bombs of the Black Sea battleships caused fires in the city. The situation was aggravated by Russia's clumsy attempts to prove the right to such actions in spite of previous statements. Sinop immediately made the threat of war between Russia and the coalition of European powers quite real.

In the Balkans, since the summer of 1853, a peculiar situation has developed. After Russian troops entered Bucharest in July, there were no Turkish troops in Moldova and Wallachia. Up until October 1853, no military action took place here; there was an accumulation of armed forces. Russian troops were concentrated on the left bank of the Danube, and Turkish troops - on the right. Turkey had an army of 130,000 here. Its parts were located in large fortresses and near the likely places of the crossing of the river.

On the territory of the principalities, Russia had an army of 87,000, parts of which were scattered throughout the territory of the principalities. The Russian army was commanded by M.D. Gorchakov.

In Europe, news of Sinop untied the hands of the governments of England and France. In mid-December, they decide to lead the Anglo-French ships through the Bosphorus to the shores of Bulgaria. The squadrons moved to Varna and ended up in the Black Sea. It is known that at this time Napoleon III was preparing a personal message to Nicholas I. The letter said that if Russia did not withdraw its troops from the Danube principalities, then the joint squadron of France and Britain would block the Black Sea coast of Russia. At the same time, Napoleon III repeated the demand to resolve the Eastern question under the control of France, England, Austria and Prussia. In fact, the letter contained the threat of a war of the whole of Europe against Russia. At the same time, Napoleon III revealed his true plans regarding the Eastern question in a letter to an Austrian diplomat. The emperor wrote: “I laugh at the Eastern question, as well as at the influence of Russians in Asia. I am only interested in influence in Europe, and I want to end the domination that recent times I acquired the Petersburg cabinet on the continent ... I don't care whether Russia wants to cleanse the principalities or not, but I want to weaken it and will not conclude peace until I achieve my goal. "

Nicholas I refused to capitulate on the terms of Napoleon III. The tsar spoke just as definitely about the joint Anglo-French ultimatum, in which Russia was demanded to clear the Danube principalities of its troops.

England, France and Turkey, having received such an answer, signed a military treaty on March 12, 1854, and on March 27, England and France declared war on Russia. A month passed, and on April 11, 1854 England, France, Austria and Prussia signed a protocol in Vienna, according to which the countries pledged: not to conclude separate agreements with Russia, to ensure the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Danube principalities, to observe the sovereignty and integrity of Turkey. Nicholas I, hitherto convinced of the loyalty of the young Austrian monarch Franz Joseph, familiarizing himself with the reports of diplomats, first expressed his feelings emotionally (“I don’t believe !!”), and later decorated the dispatches from Vienna with not diplomatic expressions.

By the summer, the Anglo-French expeditionary corps, numbering up to 60 thousand soldiers and officers, was concentrated in the Varna region. The concentration of allied forces in the Balkans, as well as the unsuccessful battles of the Russian army in the Balkans against the Turkish army, forced the command of the Russian army from the end of June to begin to withdraw its troops from the Danube principalities.