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The concept of "soft power"

Joseph Nye owns the concept of "soft power", which has been developed since the 1980s and has become one of the fundamental theories in world politics, economics and diplomacy.

Nye divides the power of the state into two major components:

· "Hard power";

· "Soft power".

By "hard power" J. Nye means the aggregate political, economic and financial power, and "soft power" is characterized by three main components: culture, political ideology and foreign policy Murden, S.W. The problem of strength: the struggle on the global battlefield: [Text] / S.U. Murden. - Boulder, London: Lynn Reiner Publishers, Inc., 2009. - P. 34.

Soft power is forcing others to want the results you want. ”However, it is“ not the same as impact or influence, soft power is more than persuasion, persuasion, or the ability to do something. using arguments, even though it is all important elements this power. Soft power is also the ability to attract, and attraction often leads to mutual understanding. Simply put, in behavioral terms, "soft power" is attractive power. "Nye, Joseph S. Soft Power. The Building Blocks of Success in Global Politics: [Text] / Joseph S. Nye. - New York: Public Affers, 2004. - P. 19..

"Hard" power, or "hard" power, is the ability to coerce, conditioned by the military and economic strength of a country. Soft power arises when a country attracts with its culture, political ideals and programs Davydov, Yu.P. "Hard" and "soft" power in international relations: [Text] / Yu.P. Davydov // USA and Canada: Economics, Politics, Culture. - 2007. - No. 1. - P. 5.. Hard power remains key in a world where states seek to safeguard their independence and non-state groups such as terrorist organizations are willing to resort to violence. But soft power is becoming increasingly important for narrowing the circle of new supporters of terrorism, as well as for solving issues requiring multilateral cooperation Astafiev, E.M. "Hard" influence of "soft power": [Text] / Е.М. Astafieva // Southeast Asia: topical development problems. - 2009. - No. 12. - P. 17..

The essence of the concept of "power" (power) Nye compares with the weather, on which everything depends, but the influence of which does not always lend itself to rational explanation or mathematical calculus Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 25. In general, we mean those tools and resources that allow participants in international relations to achieve their goals.

At the same time, the hard power of states includes economic and military power. And soft power is characterized by three main components: firstly, culture (defined as a set of values that are significant for society, not reducible to mass culture - Hollywood products and fast food), secondly, political ideology, thirdly, foreign policy ( understood as diplomacy in the broadest sense of the word). The first two components are the historically formed heritage of the nation, the third is a subjective factor introduced by the politicians in power at the given time. The parameters of the last soft power component are subject to significantly larger fluctuations than the first two components.

As noted in the book, soft power is not only influence, but also "attractive" (attractive power). Soft power resources in world politics are everything that "inspires and attracts" to the source of the corresponding impact, allowing those who control it to achieve the desired result Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - P. 26.

The constitutive basis of both hard power and soft power of the subject of international relations is the ability to achieve the set goal by influencing the behavior of other actors. The difference between them lies in the tools: the projection of hard power occurs through coercion and the imposition of one's will (through an economic resource or threat by force), while the effective action of soft power is formed through the mechanisms of coordinating foreign policy actions and involvement in cooperation of a broader nature, as a rule, on base of common values, such cooperation is favorable.

The most important characteristic of "soft power" is its relatively more noticeable independence from the state itself and the government of the country that possesses such power. "Hard power" is much more tied to government policy. Therefore, it is relatively more difficult for the authorities to manipulate the former and much easier to manipulate the latter. As a consequence, the effect of the action of "soft power" - as opposed to, for example, economic sanctions or military action - turns out to be more amorphous and it is more difficult for them to accurately plan it Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 33..

The foreign policy of a state can only strengthen or weaken the effectiveness of soft power - for example, the war in Iraq dealt, according to J. Nye, a blow to the attractiveness of everything American in most of the world. Similarly, the Soviet interventions in Hungary (1956) and Czechoslovakia (1968) negatively influenced the perception of the USSR by the peoples of the countries even of the "socialist camp".

Sergei Helemendik believes that Soft Power is not "soft power", but "the American technology of taking power in a foreign country and transferring it to the right people at the moment. Technology of coups. Technology is non-violent - and this is the main thing that distinguishes Soft Power ..." Helemendik, S. Soft Power - soft power "made in USA": [Electronic resource] / S. Helemendik // inosmi.ru. - S. 1..

J. Nye comprehends the substance of power in such its features - "flexibility" and "rigidity". Hard power: military, economic power. The material factor prevails here: whether it be the offensive of the iron armada, or economic sanctions against a competitor (a corporation or other disobedient country). But, despite his proximity to the military-industrial complex, Nye is least of all interested in this particular form of power. And not because he is a romantic, but because he is a pragmatist. Because it is precisely the flexible form of power that gets more chances in modern conditions. And all because the information space is becoming a battlefield. And it is not tanks that move along it, but moral and aesthetic values. J. Nye's soft power is information. This power is not material factors(bullet or ruble, warhead or dollar), but information and images. The one who relies on "flexible power" uses the power of values.

"Soft power" as a form of power is mobile, easily adapting to circumstances. And it is precisely in this flexibility and variability that its strength lies. Flexible power, in the understanding of J. Nye, is "the ability to get what you want to get through attraction, and not through suppression or some" payment "" Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 41.. This power is based on the attractiveness of the culture.

“Soft power is the ability to achieve what we want through the voluntary participation of allies, rather than through coercion or handouts.” Nye, Joseph S. Soft Power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 45. Nye develops this idea and remarks very rationally: "Everyone is familiar with hard power. We know that military or economic power can force others to change their position. Hard power can be based on incentives (carrots) or threats (sticks). However, sometimes you can achieve the results you want without tangible threats or payoffs. ”Nye, Joseph S. Soft Power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 47..

One of the main opponents of D. Nye are neoconservatives, which, incidentally, is quite natural, in view of the fact that he himself is one of the main ideologists of neoliberalism Zelenev, I.V. Geopolitics and geostrategy: [Text] / I.V. Zelenev. - SPb .: Peter, 2005 .-- S. 156.

His theory of "soft power" is also sometimes criticized. The essence of this criticism is as follows: the main advantage of "soft power" over the military or financial power of the state Joseph Nye sees in the ability to attract someone thanks to the value content foreign policy rather than a simple set of material levers of pressure.

Nye examines three components by which the state is able to exert influence:

· Culture (where it is popular, as in the case of American pop culture or French "haute couture"),

Values (and not only their declaration, but also adherence to them),

· Foreign policy as such Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 51.

But the conclusions of the American researcher cause an ambiguous reaction. Many rightly point out that American public diplomacy often resembles propaganda, especially with regard to the Iraq War Nye, Joseph S. Soft Power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 54..

Joseph Nye himself has repeatedly criticized the official rhetoric of the US State Department. According to the scientist, failures in American public diplomacy are explained precisely by the fact that the real "soft power" possessed by the United States is being replaced by ineffective state propaganda Nye, Joseph S. Soft power. Components of success in world politics. - S. 59.

Today Joseph Nye is developing a new concept of smart power - "smart power". Here is how the scientist himself explains the essence of this concept: "In general, power is the ability to influence in order to achieve the desired results." Soft power "does this through persuasion, attraction and cooperation," hard power "- through coercion and reward Today, the most important is "smart power" - the ability to coordinate and combine the capabilities and resources of "soft" and "hard" forces Rogozin, A. Commercial PR and political technologies unite Russia Alexei Rogozin with J. Hiring on NATO, Russia and "smart power"): [Electronic resource] / A. Rogozin // www.apn.ru ›Publications› article20896. htm. - S. 1..

This appears to be a perfect fit for NATO, which consists of interacting military and civilian structures. And Nye notes: “Yes, for NATO, soft power means the ability to go beyond purely military activities and make your mission attractive to the public. "

Nye views NATO as a kind of insurance for its members, a confirmation that they are not alone in facing security threats. In this regard, Nye is in favor of closer cooperation between NATO and Russia.

In addition, Nye emphasizes that public diplomacy and "soft power" have always been the most important in world politics, and not only for NATO. Moreover, it has great importance today, in the information age.

At the same time, Nye does not consider the real threat that other countries can influence the opinions of US citizens in such a way that this will lead to Negative influence the independence and security of America. He does not know of any country that could pose a serious threat to America today.

Nye expands the scope of his concept, pointing out the need for any leader to combine "hard power" (means of pressure) and "soft power" (attractiveness, ability to win over, compromise). According to the author, it is the art of such a harmonious balance that charismatic leaders Pavlov, A. "Soft power" are distinguished in the context of leadership: [Text] / A. Pavlov // Russian Journal. - 25.10.2008. - S. 22. Trying to find an answer to the question of what makes a leader charismatic, Nye dwells on his "inner qualities", explaining them in terms of psychology and rapidly changing social factors.

From the point of view of Nye, the phenomenon of leadership includes three components: it is the leader himself, his followers and the entire context in which leadership is carried out. In turn, the context, according to Nye, includes the external environment and the set of goals pursued by the group led by the leader in a particular situation. It is the context, surprising as it may seem, that forms the phenomenon of leadership, since the list of requirements that the followers of the leader present to their leader depends on the specific situation. Despite the fact that a leader is highly dependent on his group of followers, there is a quality that sets him apart from the rest. Namely, every leader must have the quality of "conceptual intelligence". This quality helps the leader understand environmental changes, capitalize on trends, and use events to implement their own strategies.

At the same time, Nye assures: "You cannot lead if you do not have the strength." But what kind of strength - "soft" or "hard" - must a leader have in order to succeed? Ideally, optimal interaction is required. However, as Nye points out, "soft power" is still preferable. After all, it represents "the ability to form in others a preference for what the leader wants." Thus, the feeling of trampled justice, which gives rise to hatred, is leveled.

However, "soft power" is not a good in itself. As Nye writes, “No one likes to feel manipulated, even if manipulated with“ soft power. ”Often times, a leader has to resort to“ hard power ”techniques.

In essence, Nye believes, a leader must have the appropriate skills to use the third type of power - "smart power." It is this type, which is a combination of "soft" and "hard" power, that makes it possible to solve the most complex problems of management.

Thus, Nye defines the meaning of power as such ("hard" or "soft") as the ability to achieve desired results from others. And this possibility depends, among other things, on the availability of certain resources for exercising power in a given regime, the ability to use them, as well as on the "context", that is, on the conditions for their effective use.

And the time after the fall of the Iron Curtain, we have translated and published several works of influential Western, mainly English-speaking, authors who form the political discourse and methodology of decision-making of the ruling elite of the West. To this gentleman's set of handbooks for those who make drastic decisions in modern world, should include the work "End of History" by Francis Fukuyama and "The Clash of Civilizations" by Samuel Huntington. Equally, if not more influential is Joseph S. Nye's book Flexible Power. How to Succeed in World Politics ”, which was recently published in Russian translation.

About the author and translation

Joseph S. Nye is an academic scientist, a practical politician and a talented publicist in the same sense as a politician, scientist and regular contributor to various media Zbigniew Brzezinski, well known in our country. But Nye is much more authoritative within the framework of the informal structure that is practically absent in Russia, that is, the expert community. This is the circle of people who create the intellectual support for US domestic and foreign policy. There is a rating of the influence and popularity of such experts. So, the aforementioned Brzezinski is not even included in the top twenty of this rating, compiled in 2006, and Nye is in the honorable fifth place. By the way, quite famous in our country Fukuyama takes the twentieth place in this rating. And this assessment of the author of the book "Flexible Power" is not accidental. Just look at JS Nye's track record.

From 1993-1994, he was chairman of the National Intelligence Council, the body coordinating analytical assessments for the US President, and from 1994-1995 he served as US Deputy Secretary of Defense, in charge of international security affairs. As for his activities in the scientific field, Nye is the dean of the School of Public Administration. Kennedy University of Harvard, elected member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the prestigious Diplomatic Academy, Honorary Doctor of the University of Oxford. At one time, he headed the East-West Institute, engaged in research on international security problems, and stood at the head of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. Author of many books and over 150 articles in various magazines, analyst on CNN, ABC, CBS.

Unfortunately, until recently we had no opportunity to get acquainted with the works of this well-known expert. For some reason, Moscow publishers bypassed him, like many other first-line American experts, working in the usual Brzezinski-Fukuyama paradigm.

"Flexible Power" was translated and published by the Novosibirsk Foundation for Socio-Prognostic Research "Trends", and a brilliant translation by its director, Doctor of Philosophy Vladimir Suprun... A book devoted to theoretical issues is read without stress, like a newspaper or magazine article addressed to a wide range of readers. And this is the merit of not only the author, but also the translator, the book is not just translated, but, one might say, adapted for the Russian reader. The style of translation is light, but not lightweight, and some very difficult meanings are explained and brought to the reader's consciousness very convincingly.

What is flexible power?

The essence of flexible power can be understood by considering the dichotomy of “rigid versus flexible” power. It should be noted right away that the arsenal of hard power means is understood by the author of the book extremely broadly. This is not only force and the threat of its use, and even more so it is not only the armed force. Nye even gives a special table of delineation of rigid and flexible power. So, according to the spectrum of behavior, hard power is a command, coercion, coercion, and according to the most probable resources - force, sanctions, payments, bribes. Hard power can be boiled down to two basic elements - weapons and money.

Accordingly, flexible power is the setting of goals, attractiveness, cooperation, and its most probable resources are institutions, values, culture, and the art of politics. The difference between hard and flexible power can be defined as follows. The first is based on the principle: "Do as I said," and the second offers a different approach: "You yourself will be better off if you do as we do."

It should be noted right away that people brought up under historical materialism can say that they have already heard of something like this. And that feeling turns into confidence as you read the book. Nye gives a table describing three types of power: military, economic, and flexible. And one immediately recalls one now fossil direction of Soviet social science - scientific communism. So, in scientific communism there was such a provision about three types of confrontation, struggle and competition between two world socio-political systems - capitalism and socialism: military-political, economic and ideological. And the term "ideological struggle" was one of the most widespread in the vocabulary of the Soviet social sciences. And the way Nye describes flexible power makes it largely synonymous with ideology in relation to politics, although the author himself does not use the term “ideology”. This is indicated by the translator of the book in his preface to the Russian edition. He writes: "Nye, in fact, nowhere mentions the concept of" ideology ", but this is what he has in mind when he writes about the role of values, since all these values are primarily political, that is, ideological."

It seems that the American political scientist considers this term inappropriate as one of the synonyms for flexible power. In this regard, it should be said that back in 1960, the American sociologist Daniel Bell came up with the theory of the withering away of ideology, the de-ideologization of society. Then the theory of deideologization was taken up by a number of other Western authors, and since that time many Western and now Russian humanitarians have been idiosyncratic to the very term “ideology”. But this is not fair. The term was not invented by Soviet agitprop, but appeared much earlier. By the way, Bell himself already in the 90s of the twentieth century started talking about the process of re-ideologization going on in modern society... Around the same time, Huntington introduced the concept of "clash of civilizations." Perhaps this is an exaggeration, but the value and cultural rivalry of civilizations (for example, the West and Islam) in the modern world is a reality. And this rivalry is described, in our opinion, best of all by the term "struggle of ideologies." And flexible power in this case is a technology of using ideology in political struggle.

Flexible power efficiency

The history of the USSR provides indisputable confirmation of the importance and effectiveness of ideology and the flexible power arising from it in domestic and foreign policy. If we take the first decades of the existence of the Soviet state, then from the point of view of the resources of hard power it was significantly inferior to the leading world powers, but its influence in the world was based on the ideological attractiveness of the created socialist society, on ideology. By the 60s and 70s of the last century, the Soviet Union reached military parity with the West, created the world's second-largest economy, that is, increased the resources of hard power, while a deep value and ideological crisis began inside the country. You could even say that history Soviet Union showed an amazing example of the presence of a certain communicating vessel of rigid and flexible power. The more the volume of hard power resources increased (the scale of industrial production, the number of divisions and nuclear warheads), the less flexible power resources became (the belief of the Soviet people and the ruling stratum itself in the value of communist ideology, their enthusiasm and readiness for self-sacrifice, the attractiveness of the image of the USSR in the world ). Ultimately, the Soviet Union collapsed at the zenith of its hard power, but lost many of its sources of flexible power.

At the same time, it should be noted that Nye's concept of flexible power is interesting primarily from the point of view of political analysis. This is precisely what most of the book is about. It is impossible to consider all aspects of the applied meaning of the concept of flexible power in politics within the framework of the article. But on one that is directly related to modern Russia, I would like to dwell in a little more detail.

Nye's book focuses on the use of flexible power in American foreign policy, but a separate chapter is devoted to other countries as well. It is interesting which countries the American political scientist cites in this regard as an example. First of all, this is a united Europe. Nye writes, "Currently, Europe is the main competitor for the United States in flexible power resources." He also notes the presence of significant elements of flexible power in the foreign policy of Japan, China and India.

As for our country, Nye pays tribute to the use of flexible power mechanisms during the Soviet era. He admits: “In times cold war America's main rival in flexible power was the Soviet Union, which campaigned extensively to convince the rest of the world of the attractiveness of its communist system. ” But the author of the book never mentions modern Russia in this vein and does not cite it as an example. And this testifies to the fact that Russian foreign policy has practically not mastered the tools of flexible power. Indeed, it is impossible to consider a selective increase in gas prices or a ban on the import of Moldovan and Georgian wine as a manifestation of flexibility in politics (and not the best quality Ukrainian wine was not included in the ban, apparently, our Ministry of Foreign Affairs is waiting for the outcome of negotiations on the formation of Ukrainian government). Although, in the post-Soviet space, Russia has retained unique levers for the implementation of flexible power - a common cultural heritage, similar value systems, language, and the presence of a huge number of interpersonal ties.

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The information revolution allows you to "recode" consciousness, starting with a change in historical memory

The authorship of the concept of "soft power" (MC) belongs to a professor at the Public Administrative School. J. Kennedy at Harvard University, Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the Diplomatic Academy of J.S. Nayu (born 1937).

Regarding the personality of the creator of this concept, one should know that Nye is far from a product only of the academic environment, but of the world of practical politics and intelligence communities. J.S. Nye is a Princeton University graduate, doctoral student, and lecturer at Harvard. His doctoral dissertation was nominated for the Cecil Rhodes Prize, a renowned apologist for British global domination, the creator of the De Beers diamond empire and a still closed structure called the Group (or We).

It is significant that, according to Rhodes' will, after his death in 1902, about three million pounds (a colossal amount at that time) was transferred to the establishment of student scholarships and professorship grants. The will stipulated that the scholarships are intended for natives of European countries, the United States and the British colonies "with leadership inclinations" as part of the program for the education of presidents, prime ministers and other high-ranking officials who "will rule the nations and the world."

Nye successfully combines scientific activity with work in high government positions. In 1977-1979. He is the Assistant Under Secretary of State for Security Support, Science and Technology, and Chairman of the National Security Council's Nuclear Nonproliferation Group. In the Clinton administration, he worked as assistant to the head of the Pentagon for international security, headed the US National Intelligence Council, and also represented the US on the UN Committee on Disarmament. During the presidential campaign, J. Kerry Nye claimed the position of National Security Advisor.

In addition, Nye was the director of the strategic group of the American Aspen Institute (a closed scientific and political club that develops world order strategies), a member of the Executive Committee of the Trilateral Commission, and a participant in a number of meetings of the Council on Foreign Relations. Nye also served as director of the East-West Institute for Security Studies and the International Institute for Strategic Studies. Under Obama, he was involved in two new research projects at once - the Center for a New American Security and the US National Security Reform Project.

It should be noted that such transitions from science to politics, from politics to intelligence, from intelligence to science, etc. - a widespread practice in the West, with an exclusive goal: to promote and realize the interests of certain elite groups as much as possible. If we go through the most famous personalities from the American and broader Western establishment, we will see careers similar to Nye's career ladder - suffice it to recall such iconic personalities as Zb. Brzezinski, G. Kissinger, M. McFaul.

As for the concept of soft power, in the theoretical calculations of Dr. Nye, even for an inexperienced reader, a clear practical significance is obvious, namely, the rationale for the consolidation and expansion of the hegemony of the West and, first of all, the United States. That is why the presentation of his book “Soft Power” (“Flexible Power. How to Succeed in World Politics”), translated into Russian, was held in 2006 under the auspices of the US Embassy at the Carnegie Moscow Center.

Regarding the concept itself, it should be noted that Nye did not formulate something new - different ways impact on consciousness, methods of non-violent treatment of power and other groups have been known for a long time. N. Machiavelli and the French encyclopedists, G. Thoreau and M. Gandhi, T. Leary and R. Wilson, representatives of the Frankfurt School and members of the Club of Rome wrote about this. Nye's achievement is that he was able not only to concentrate and succinctly describe the nature, role and significance of the US "soft power", which played a certain role in the Cold War, but also to define its truly unlimited possibilities in the 21st century.

The main meaning of soft power is the ability to influence the behavior of people, indirectly forcing them to do what they would never have done otherwise. Such power becomes based not only on persuasion, persuasion, or the ability to motivate people to do something with the help of arguments, but also on the assets that produce its attractiveness. To achieve this, according to Nye, it is possible to use the "power of information and images", the power of meanings.

In turn, the creation of "attractiveness" is impossible without linguistic construction, without interpreting reality - manipulation, without focusing on mutually opposite value judgments (such as: God-Devil, good-evil, freedom-slavery, democracy-dictatorship, etc.) ...

Moreover, it is the creators and conductors of “soft power” that determine what is “good” or “fair”, which country becomes an outcast or a model of democratic transformation, thereby prompting the rest of the participants in the political process to agree with this interpretation in exchange for support from the subject of soft power ...

For example, the United States, using the tools of the MS, defines the "Republic of Kosovo" as a developing democracy, and the heir to one of ancient civilizations the world - Iran - an outcast country.

“Saddle the laws of history” (I. Stalin), as historical practice has convincingly proved, is impossible only forceful methods... Therefore, in modern conditions, “soft” power is so important, manifested as a special type of influence, a special type of power directly related to the information revolution, the volume of information itself and its growth exponentially, as well as with the speed and breadth of dissemination of this information, thanks to the latest communication technologies ...

The information revolution allows you to "recode" consciousness, starting with a change in historical memory and ending with the world of symbols-meanings. It is the sense-symbolic world that is most significant, since the social memory of society is largely oriented towards it, allowing it to resist both external destruction and self-destruction.

Man has always lived in three dimensions - in the real world, the information world and the symbolic world. However, it is in modern times that new technologies and communications “have such a powerful effect on consciousness that real actions and events seem to only become significant when they are presented in the media.

Events, as it were, are not in real life if it is not written about in the newspaper or broadcast on radio and television. The modern world is subject to the rule: real event only when it is significant when the mass media tell about it to the general public ”.

However, the active participation of the media in changing, reformatting the symbolic world becomes fundamental. It must be remembered that in any society, symbolic revolutions occur simultaneously with political transformations and economic reforms, which are designed to dramatically change the picture of the world. Moreover, it is the latter that precede political changes and prepare the ground for systemic transformations.

At the same time, a radical revision of the “symbolic capital”, which was accumulated within the framework of the previous stage of history, is carried out. Changes to symbolic hierarchies usually follow the following pattern:

1) change of the sacred zone: society removes protection from its past gods - criticism unfolds, which makes room for new gods;

2) the new sacredness is embodied in the precise selection of symbols - there is a change in the names of cities, streets, replacement of monuments, etc .;

3) as a result of the previous stages - a change in the zone of aggression: society changes the hierarchy in the “friend-foe” system;

4) old texts lose their relevance; a large number of ideological texts are produced to justify the change in political scenery;

5) verbal specialists appear on the political stage - journalists, writers, showmen.

At the same time, the processes of transformation of “symbolic capital”, which seem to be uncontrollable, actually have scriptwriters and directors and pursue a clearly defined goal.

In addition, “the nature of the manipulation of consciousness consists in the presence of a double effect: along with an open message, the manipulator sends a coded signal to the addressee, hoping that this signal will awaken in the addressee's consciousness those images that the manipulator needs.

This latent influence is based on the "tacit knowledge" possessed by the addressee, on his ability to create images in his mind that affect his feelings, opinions and behavior. The art of manipulation is to start the process of imagination in the right direction, but so that the person does not notice the hidden influence. "

The role and significance of "soft power" are manifested, first of all, in connection with the information revolution, the very volume of information and its colossal growth, as well as with the speed and breadth of its dissemination, thanks to the latest communication technologies. In addition, in the context of globalization, there is a constant penetration into the process of forming the images of the world, country, fatherland from the outside through the education system, mass culture and the media.

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Introduction

1.1 The Personality of Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and the Formation of His Political Views

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

At the turn of XX-XXI centuries. the world is on the doorstep new era... The processes of social development acquire a global character, there is a gradual transition from national economies to the world, interethnic information structures are emerging, the processes of globalization are gaining momentum in various spheres of its manifestation. The trend towards broad liberalization of trade is becoming more and more evident, and an unprecedented development of science and technology is taking place. We are witnesses and participants in radical socio-economic and political processes.

In modern world politics, the role of flexible factors is noticeably increasing, the influence of "soft" instruments of influence on the system of international relations is increasing.

The postulate of the importance and effectiveness of "soft power" in the foreign policy of states, formulated by the famous American political scientist J. Nye in 1990 and developed by him in his work "Flexible Power. How to Achieve Success in World Politics," prove the consequences of the power-based policies of the current US administration.

Summarizing the above, we emphasize that relevanceThe topic is due to the growing importance of "soft" instruments of power and influence in world politics.

The degree of knowledge of the problem.The works of E.M. Astafieva, Yu.P. Davydova, A.G. Dugin, L.I. Istyagina, A.A. Kazantsev, V.M. Kapitsyna, M.M. Lebedeva, V.N. Merkusheva, G.Yu. Filimonova and others.

Targetof the work is to reveal the main provisions of the concept of "soft power" by Joseph Nye, Jr.

Setting the named goal dictates the need to solve the following tasks: to explore the theoretical and methodological foundations of the concept of "soft power" by Joseph Nye Jr. to reveal basic principles the concept of soft power by Joseph Nye, Jr.; define the concept of "soft power"; analyze the development of the concept of "soft power" (the concept of "smart power" as a combination of "soft" and "hard" forces).

Objectresearch is the political concept of "soft power" by Joseph Nye, Jr.

Subjectstudies are the prerequisites, stages and features of the formation and development of the theory of "soft power" Joseph Nye, Jr., its contribution to the development of the theory of international relations.

As sourcesThe author's research used the work of Joseph Nye, Jr.

Theoretical and methodological basisworks serve the principles of scientific objectivity and historicism, as well as the civilizational principle. In addition, when writing the work, general scientific methods were used: structural-functional, comparative, logical, systemic, normative, etc.

Practical significanceresearch is determined by the fact that the factual material contained in it, judgments and conclusions can be used in further scientific developments devoted to the concept of "soft power" Joseph Nye Jr.

Structurework due to the purpose, objectives of the study and includes an introduction, two chapters, conclusion and bibliography.

soft power russia politics

Chapter 1. Basic provisions of the concept of "soft power"

.1 The Personality of Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and the Formation of His Political Views

Joseph S. Nye, Jr. (born Joseph S. Nye, Jr .; born in 1937) is an American political scientist who develops a number of areas within the framework of neoliberalism, including the theory of complex interdependence; leading expert on international issues. Currently, he is a professor at the Public Administrative School. Kennedy at Harvard University. Also takes an active part in the National Security Reform Project.

Joseph Nye received his BA from Princeton University in 1958. He wrote his Ph.D. thesis for a Rhodes Fellowship and then received his Ph.D. in politics from Harvard University. In 1964 he began teaching at Harvard University and taught one of the largest and most important courses in his department. And in December 1995, Nye became dean of the Public Administrative School. Kennedy.

In addition, he held high government posts:

· in 1977 - 1979 - Assistant Deputy Secretary of State for Security Support, Science and Technology, Chairman of the National Security Council group on nuclear non-proliferation;

· in 1993 - 1994 - Chairman of the National Intelligence Council;

· in 1994 - 1995 - Deputy Minister of Defense for International Security.

During the presidential campaign, John Kerry claimed the position of national security adviser.

A member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the Academy of Diplomacy, Nye was also a senior member of the Aspen Institute, director of the Aspen Strategy Group, and a member of the Trilateral Executive Committee. He managed to visit the director of the Institute for East-West Security Studies, the director of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, a member of the advisory committee of the Institute for World Economy, and the American representative on the United Nations Advisory Committee on Disarmament. Moreover, Nye was a Trustee of Wells College and Radcliffe College.

A member of the editorial boards of the journals Foreign Policy and International Security, Nye is the author of numerous books and more than one hundred and fifty articles in professional journals. His most recent books are Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (2004) and For the People: Can We Fix Public Service? (2003).

In addition, he has published on political topics in the New York Times, Washington Post, the International Herald Tribune, The Wall Street Journal, and the Financial Times. He has appeared on television programs such as Nightline ABC and Good Morning America, News Hour with Jim Lehrer, and also on Australian, British, French, Swiss, Japanese and Korean television.

In addition to teaching at Harvard, Nye also taught for brief periods in Geneva, Ottawa and London. He is an honorary fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. He lived for long periods in Europe, East Africa, Central America, and traveled to over 90 countries.

Nye's focus is on foreign policy issues related to globalization and universal interdependence, arms and nuclear proliferation, US policy towards Asia (especially China and Japan), as well as issues of governance and power both within the state and on the world stage in conditions globalization and information revolution. At the School. Kennedy initiated the Governance for the 21st Century research project to investigate the reasons for changing the role of governments in politics and make recommendations.

According to Nye, in the modern world there is growing distrust not only of the governments of nation-states, but also of social and political institutions due to:

· demystification of power;

· changing the balance between libertarian (that is, protecting the priority of the individual, his rights and freedoms) and communitarian (defending the interests of individual communities or society and its structures as a whole) in favor of the former; low efficiency of government intervention in the economy, etc. ...

So, Joseph Nye Jr. was able to effectively combine his theoretical interests with practical politics.

1.2 The concept of "soft power"

Joseph Nye owns the concept of "soft power", which has been developed since the 1980s and has become one of the fundamental theories in world politics, economics and diplomacy.

Nye divides the power of the state into two major components:

· "hard power";

· "soft power".

By "hard power" J. Nye means the aggregate political, economic and financial power, and "soft power" is characterized by three main components: culture, political ideology and foreign policy.

Soft power is forcing others to want the results you want. ”However, it is“ not the same as impact or influence, soft power is more than persuasion, persuasion, or the ability to do something. with the help of arguments, although these are all important elements of this power. Soft power is also the ability to attract, and attraction often leads to mutual understanding. Simply put, in behavioral terms, soft power is attractive power. "

"Hard" power, or "hard" power, is the ability to coerce, conditioned by the military and economic strength of a country. Soft power arises when a country attracts with its culture, political ideals and programs. Hard power remains key in a world where states seek to safeguard their independence and non-state groups such as terrorist organizations are willing to resort to violence. But soft power is becoming increasingly important for narrowing the circle of new supporters of terrorism, as well as for addressing issues requiring multilateral cooperation.

Nye compares the essence of the concept of "power" with the weather, on which everything depends, but whose influence does not always lend itself to rational explanation or mathematical calculus. In general, we mean those tools and resources that allow participants in international relations to achieve their goals.

The most important characteristic of "soft power" is its relatively more noticeable independence from the state itself and the government of the country that possesses such power. "Hard power" is much more tied to government policy. Therefore, it is relatively more difficult for the authorities to manipulate the former and much easier to manipulate the latter. As a result, the effect of the action of "soft power" - as opposed to, for example, economic sanctions or military action - turns out to be more amorphous and it is more difficult for them to accurately plan it.

J. Nye comprehends the substance of power in such its features - "flexibility" and "rigidity". Hard power: military, economic power. The material factor prevails here: whether it be the offensive of the iron armada, or economic sanctions against a competitor (a corporation or other disobedient country). But, despite his proximity to the military-industrial complex, Nye is least of all interested in this particular form of power. And not because he is a romantic, but because he is a pragmatist. Because it is precisely the flexible form of power that gets more chances in modern conditions. And all because the information space is becoming a battlefield. And it is not tanks that move along it, but moral and aesthetic values. J. Nye's soft power is information. It is not the power of material factors (bullet or ruble, warhead or dollar), but information and images. The one who relies on "flexible power" uses the power of values.

"Soft power" as a form of power is mobile, easily adapting to circumstances. And it is precisely in this flexibility and variability that its strength lies. Flexible power, in the understanding of J. Nye, is "the ability to get what you want to get through attraction, and not through suppression or some" payment "". This power is based on the attractiveness of the culture.

"Soft power is the ability to get what you want on the basis of the voluntary participation of allies, and not through coercion or handouts." Nye develops this idea and remarks very rationally: “Everyone is familiar with hard power. We know that military or economic power can force others to change their position. Hard power can be based on incentives (carrots) or threats (sticks). However, sometimes you you can achieve the results you want without tangible threats or payments. "

One of the main opponents of D. Nye are neoconservatives, which, however, is quite natural, since he himself is one of the main ideologues of neoliberalism.

His theory of "soft power" is also sometimes criticized. The essence of this criticism is as follows: the main advantage of "soft power" over the military or financial power of the state, Joseph Nye sees in the ability to attract someone thanks to the value content of foreign policy, and not a simple set of material levers of pressure.

Nye examines three components by which the state is able to exert influence:

· culture (where it is popular, as in the case of American pop culture or French "haute couture"),

· values (and not only their declaration, but also adherence to them),

· foreign policy as such.

But the conclusions of the American researcher cause an ambiguous reaction. Many rightly point out that American public diplomacy often resembles propaganda, especially when it comes to the war in Iraq.

Joseph Nye himself has repeatedly criticized the official rhetoric of the US State Department. According to the scientist, the failures in American public diplomacy are explained precisely by the fact that the real "soft power" that the United States possesses is being replaced by ineffective state propaganda.

Today Joseph Nye is developing a new concept of smart power - "smart power". Here is how the scientist himself explains what the essence of this concept is: "In general, strength is the ability to influence in order to achieve the desired results." Soft power "does this through persuasion, attraction and cooperation," hard power "- through coercion and reward Today, however, the most important is "smart power" - the ability to coordinate and combine the capabilities and resources of "soft" and "hard" forces.

This appears to be a perfect fit for NATO, which consists of interacting military and civilian structures. And Nye notes: "Yes, for NATO, soft power means the ability to go beyond purely military activities and make its mission attractive to the public."

In addition, Nye emphasizes that public diplomacy and "soft power" have always been the most important in world politics, and not only for NATO. Moreover, it is of great importance today, in the age of information.

At the same time, Nye does not consider the real threat that other countries can influence the opinions of US citizens in such a way that this will lead to a negative impact on the independence and security of America. He does not know of any country that could pose a serious threat to America today.

Nye expands the scope of his concept, pointing out the need for any leader to combine "hard power" (means of pressure) and "soft power" (attractiveness, ability to win over, compromise). According to the author, it is precisely the art of such a harmonious balance that charismatic leaders are distinguished. Trying to find an answer to the question of what makes a leader charismatic, Nye dwells on his "inner qualities", explaining them in terms of psychology and rapidly changing social factors.

Chapter 2. The place and role of "soft power" in world politics

2.1 "Soft power" in the politics of different countries

Nye's book "Soft Power. Components of Success in World Politics", in fact, is an elegantly veiled criticism of the course of George W. Bush (remember, the book was published in 2004) from the standpoint of political theory. The main pathos of the author's disagreement is addressed to the republican policy of unilateral actions and reliance on unilateral military superiority. If the Democrats won the 2004 elections, then J. Nye's work could well claim to be a kind of "declaration of values" in the foreign policy of American liberals. But the Republicans prevailed, and this work turned out to be a variant of an alternative (in relation to the neoconservatives) vision of the strategy and tactics of US international politics.

On the pages of his work, Nye cites many examples of the policies of the George W. Bush administration in Iraq, considering this policy the quintessence of everything that was erroneous, which, according to J. Nye, had accumulated in American politics... Nye returns to a postulate he first formulated back in 1990 in Bound to Lead: the Changing Nature of American Power. It was then that he expressed the idea of the absolute superiority of the United States not only in terms of military strength and economic might, but also in terms of non-force influence on international relations. The latter were called by Nye "soft power" (or "soft power"). Even then, Nye believed that colleagues-theorists of the school of "political realism" should abandon the absolutization of the meaning of "hard power" in world politics in the conditions that were quite obvious at the end of the 1980s. last century weakening bipolar confrontation.

The degree of soft power influence differs depending on the level of socio-economic development of the society, its susceptibility to the events taking place in the world. Of the processes that enhance the importance of soft power in world politics, one should single out informatization: the dissemination of information leads to the expansion of the "reception area" of signals sent across national borders.

Understanding The hiring of world politics is the key to defining the place and role of "soft power" in it. For J. Nye, world politics is "a chess game on a three-dimensional board." Victory can be won by doing well both horizontally and vertically. Top part schemes - "classic" interstate relations based on the balance of power capabilities. In this projection, the author sees the world as unipolar.

The middle level is characterized by multipolarity - this is economic relations between states. And at the lower level are the transnational elements of world politics: terrorism, international crime, environmental threats. The one who plays only in the plane of traditional interstate relations loses. Not destined to succeed, and the one who plays in the three-dimensional dimension, but uses "inadequate" resources and tools. To win at the lower level, it is precisely the use of soft power that is required.

J. Nye assesses the American "soft power" resource base. Its first "pillar" in relation to the United States is the appeal of American culture and lifestyle. The scientist points to the leadership of the United States in such indicators as the number of accepted emigrants, the volume of television production, the number of foreign students in the United States and the number of Americans among Nobel laureates in physics, chemistry and economics. It is proposed to divide culture into "mass" and "high" (popular and high). These figures show that almost 80% of respondents from 43 countries of the world admire the achievements of the United States in the field of science and technology (high culture), and about 60% love American music and television. The second "pillar" of the US soft power is American political ideology; half of the respondents sympathize with it in whole or in part.

From the point of view of "soft power," J. Nye considers European countries "in general" to be a single center of global importance. Despite lagging behind in the military and economic fields, Europe is a serious competitor to the United States in the struggle for hearts and minds. European languages, the perception of Europe as an oasis of prosperity, the world's highest rates of socio-economic development, as well as French wine, European resorts and Swiss reliability are all images related to the cultural appeal of Europe and Europeans. Political values, their "soft appeal" and (which favorably distinguishes Europe from the United States) the orientation of European politicians towards cooperation in resolving international issues with the involvement of multilateral institutions, an emphasis on non-military conflict resolution are stable features of the European image in the international community.

Among Asian countries, Nye talks a lot about Japan, which, in his opinion, possesses a large resource of "soft power." One of the leading places in the world in the number of registered patents, the first place in providing assistance to foreign countries, longest duration life - this is the winning image of Japan in the eyes of the world. Distinctive feature Japanese soft power, especially in the developing world, is its successful experience of modernization, achieving an economic development comparable to the American and European level without prejudice to the original Japanese culture.

The correlation between "soft power" and "hard power" in Japan is curious. Despite the economic downturn of the last decade, the attractiveness of the country as a whole has grown even more than during the economic boom of the 1980s. Japanese became even more popular Appliances, architecture, fashion, food, cartoon art. The general perception of Japan has clearly improved. At the same time, Nye considers the main limiting factor of this country's soft power to be the internal orientation of its culture towards the preservation and conservation of the peculiarities of its business ethics and way of life. It is this internal attitude that prevents Japan from claiming a wider spread of its influence.

Continuing the comparison, J. Nye notes that the main factor restraining the influence of China's "soft power" is the internal policy of the CCP. And an additional constraint is the growing fears in the United States of China as a potential rival of America.

The analysis of the "soft power" of non-state actors in world politics is of particular value. Existing in the "other dimension" of international relations, non-state actors have a direct impact on world processes, often using almost exclusively soft power resources. For example, the international organization "Human Rights Watch" published a report in 2003 that severely criticized the US counterterrorism strategy. Over the next 10 days, 288 references to this report and the organization were recorded in the world media. In fact, this material began for a time to determine the direction of the global political discussion. The degree of influence of nongovernmental organizations is also evidenced by the data of the survey, which showed a 42% rating of trust in them in European countries. The emergence of network actors and the information revolution have significantly increased the effectiveness of the impact of the "soft power" of non-state actors. The power of non-traditional actors can come into direct conflict with the politics and ideology of state actors. An example of this is the hushed up and poorly understood growth of the attractiveness of terrorism (this the author admits), the free or semi-conscious popularization of which in the media (and the author does not write about this) increases the threats to national and international security.

Nye is considering ways to build up the potential of American "soft power". The most effective of these is public diplomacy. The central role in its implementation belongs to the information resource and control over information flows. J. Nye identifies three dimensions of public diplomacy:

· The first is daily high-profile coverage of American foreign policy actions.

· The second is "strategic communication", which means focused discussion of the most important political topics for the United States.

· Third, the development of direct contacts with foreign audiences through a system of exchanges, scholarship programs that allow foreign citizens to personally get to know the United States. The author points out that among the 700 thousand people who visited the United States after 1945, there were such politicians who became "pro-American" as M. Thatcher, A. Sadat and G. Schmidt.

It should be noted that with the coming to power of the new administration headed by Barack Obama, some progress has been outlined in US foreign policy (at least it was declared). Speaking about shifts in US foreign policy, first of all, I mean the key concept of the new leadership of the US State Department, which provides for the widespread use of the levers of "soft power". It was this idea that Hillary Clinton persistently voiced during the hearings in Congress to confirm her in office. Secretary of State USA. In particular, she repeatedly reiterated that Washington "in its foreign policy should rely more on soft power than hard power." According to the new strategic doctrine of the Obama administration, in the difficult period of the financial and economic crisis, America must launch the process of "resetting" relations, not only with Russia, but also with the rest of the world. Of course, this does not mean that the United States is going to abandon its "global mission" of spreading democratic values around the world, but President Barack Obama is determined to change the tactics of his predecessor, George W. Bush, who relied mainly on the "hard power" of American power - that is, the ability to "persuade" opponents, using mainly the military superiority and economic power of the United States of America.

The very idea of spreading one's own influence on the world through soft power is not all that new. For example, the United States and the West have had a very successful historical experience in the use of "soft power" in the past, in particular, during the Cold War. The undoubted success of this approach can be called the radio broadcasting of the Voice of America, Radio Liberty, BBC, as well as Samizdat - the publication of literature banned in the USSR abroad.

In general, the power resources of any state by military or economic power alone are never exhausted. In many cases, the desired results can be achieved with the help of other factors, such as: spiritual and material culture, political principles professed in society, the quality of the foreign (and domestic) policy, etc. Ideally, these additional factors work to increase the attractiveness of the country's image (image), and it is they who form that very special resource, defined by Hiring as "soft power". According to the American researcher, modern trends in the development of civilization are such that the importance of "soft power" in the overall balance of power of each state will inevitably increase. First of all, because even the largest and most developed states can no longer afford to solve their own and international problems exclusively by military means. First, due to the intertwining of economies, as a result of which the use of some forms of modern weapons, primarily nuclear weapons, loses all meaning. And secondly, due to the sharp decline in the importance of military valor and glory in the scale of values of modern postindustrial societies, you cannot force anyone to fight for someone's not always clear interests today. Therefore, according to Nye, in the current era of the information revolution, the factor of the attractiveness of one or another country can be much more important than the most crushing military superiority. And it’s just common sense that using “soft power” can save a lot by reducing the huge costs associated with encouraging other states (and their leaders, not least) to take the necessary actions solely through material incentives.

Speaking about the nature of "soft power" in relation to the United States, Nye first of all draws attention to the role of American educational centers serving as points of attraction for students from different countries. A significant number of American university alumni who make up the state elites of other countries form an extremely important resource of goodwill towards America abroad. In addition, according to Nye, the American mass culture, in the best examples of which there are "messages of freedom, emancipation and democracy", can still make no less contribution to the formation of the "soft power" of the United States, which somehow resonates with residents of different countries and representatives of different cultural traditions. In the end, Joseph Nye states, "When you can get others to want what you want, it costs you less of the carrots and whips you need to get people in the right direction."

The concept of "soft power" proposed by Nay looks quite attractive, first of all, for the Americans themselves, who during the eight years of the Bush administration are tired of confrontation, if not with the whole world, then at least with a significant part of it. That is why the Democrats who won the presidential elections so urgently needed a "reset", the purpose and meaning of which is to change America's image for the better. With all this, the Americans are not so naive as to rely solely on "soft power", which Joseph Nye, in fact, does not hide: "Of course, soft power cannot solve all problems. Even if the North Korean dictator Kim Jong Il likes to watch Hollywood films, this is unlikely to affect his nuclear weapons program. Similarly, soft power did not succeed in getting the Taliban government out of support for al-Qaeda in the 1990s. military force... But our goals of promoting democracy and human rights are easier to achieve through soft power. Forced democratization has its limits. ".

So, disagreement with Washington's orientation toward coercion and threats, the practice of ignoring the "more subtle" matters of foreign policy influence - this is the cross-cutting idea of Nye's book "Soft Power. Components of Success in World Politics." The book contains a lot of practical advice on the issues of contemporary world politics and US foreign policy, the meaning of which is in the search for ways to strengthen the "soft power" of the United States and increase the efficiency of its use.

2.2 The idea of the priority of "soft power" in Russian policy

It should be recognized that the idea of priority of "soft power" over hard power is to a large extent universal. After all, problems with external perception are experienced not only by the United States, but also by many other states. For example, at present, not everything is in order with the image of the same European Union. The "image" of Russia also leaves much to be desired, which in its fall has long passed the "zero mark" and is now in a deep "minus". And all because in its obsessive desire to "revive the empire", to return to Russia the status of a great power, Moscow has stubbornly ignored "soft power" in recent years, preferring to pursue a tough "carrot and stick" policy towards its neighbors (and not only). at the risk of losing the last remnants of the positive perception of the Russian Federation by the surrounding peoples. So, often in the last decade, Russia tried to assert itself mainly through "energy wars" with Ukraine and Belarus, diplomatic scandals with the Baltic countries. The result turned out to be exactly the opposite of what was expected - Russia has almost irretrievably lost its rather significant potential of "soft power", which it inherited after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It should be noted that this potential was (in part still remains) quite significant, it includes: the information and cultural influence of Russia on the CIS countries, the possibility of unhindered distribution of products of the Russian television and film industry, music production (albeit of very low quality), scientific and educational attractiveness of Russian universities, a well-developed book market in the Russian Federation, widespread use of the Russian language by the population of the CIS countries, etc. At one time, Moscow spread its influence through schools and the Russian language. But these channels of influence are a thing of the past. But this is not enough. As Joseph Nye points out, even the most obvious attractiveness of a country inevitably turns into its rejection if the leadership of that state behaves arrogantly towards others and itself discredits the values it claims to spread. This fully applies to the Russian authorities, for whom, however, the internal audience has been and remains much more important than the external one. Therefore, if the Russian Federation occasionally resorts to "soft power", it is mainly to strengthen its own "hard power" and to accomplish tasks that are far from increasing its own "attractiveness." Here is Nye's opinion on modern Russia: “Many in the West believe that today Russia is experiencing a nationalist reaction to the loss of positions in the 90s. This leads to the infringement of freedom of speech and market relations, which in turn reduces Russia's potential in the field of "soft power". The best way to oppose these opinions - to behave in such a way that it is obvious to everyone that such judgments are erroneous. And, of course, we need to develop multilateral contacts so that no one becomes hostage to false stereotypes. "For Russia, the decline in its cultural appeal is one of the most pressing political issues. It is no coincidence that back in 2007, on the initiative of V. Putin, the Kremlin founded the organization Russkiy Mir, which distributes significant grants for the "formation of a pro-Russian electorate in post-Soviet societies," the propaganda of the Russian language in the CIS countries. Nevertheless, even these efforts of the Russian Federation are rather fragmentary and unsystematic, and those few examples of the use of the Russian side of its "soft power "most often they are carried out rudely, which contradicts the very essence of" soft "influence. As an example, we can cite some confrontational statements Russian leadership in relation to Ukraine, some other CIS countries, which not only do not contribute to strengthening the prestige of the Russian Federation, but seriously increase alertness.

Conclusion

Joseph Nye, Jr. (born 1937) is Dean of the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, and a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Joseph Nye - ex-head of the East-West Institute for International Security Studies; served as the head of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, represented the United States in the UN Committee on Disarmament Affairs, etc. In addition, Joseph Nye serves as the American Trilateral Chairman.

Nye's articles on contemporary American domestic and foreign policy are published in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The International Herald Tribune. He provides an analysis of pressing international issues in a number of popular programs on CNN, ABC, CBS, etc.

It is Nai who owns the concept of "soft power" so popular in modern times, which he has been developing since the 1980s. Exactly so, "Soft Power" was the title of his book, published in the USA in 2003. This book has become a bestseller and a must-read reference book for analysts, people interested in trends in global politics, changes in the essence and structure of modern power in its various guises: politics, economics, culture. Today the concept of "Soft Power" is an integral part of the vocabulary not only of politicians, political scientists and analysts, but also of modern educated people Worldwide.

Joseph Nye defines "soft power" as a derivative of three parts:

· culture of the state (those of its elements that may be attractive to others),

· the political values of the state (which it adheres to both within the country and outside its borders),

· foreign policy of the state (which must be legal and morally justified).

The work of Joseph Nye and his supporters laid the foundation for the neoliberal school of international politics.

In assessing the capabilities that the United States has today and the role that this only superpower plays in the world of the 21st century, J. Nye uses not only the results of his theoretical studies, but also the experience gained over the years of work in the Pentagon and the State Department, the National Intelligence Council and the UN Committee on Disarmament Problems. Many of his conclusions, although discordant with the usual rhetoric, are based on a deep analysis of the functioning of the system of international relations, on the understanding of the reciprocity of any political obligations, on the recognition of the right of each country to choose its own paths and priorities. The value of his reasoning is especially great in our days, when the intellectual horizons of politicians are rapidly narrowing to the limits of the vicious circle set by the internal "logic" of anti-terrorist hysteria. The works of J. Nye and his associates support the belief that the modern black-and-white vision of the world is inevitable and, moreover, will soon give way to a more adequate colorful picture.

In 2005, J. Nye was recognized as one of the ten most influential intellectuals in the United States in the field of international relations.

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