English orator, statesman and political thinker Burke Edmund was born on January 12, 1729 in Dublin. His father was a barrister and Protestant, and his mother was a Catholic. Edmund decided to connect his life with jurisprudence. In 1750 he moved to London and entered the school of barristers (lawyers).

The beginning of literary activity

Over time, Burke lost interest in his profession. Besides, he did not return to Dublin. The young man did not like Ireland because of its provinciality. Remaining in London, he devoted himself to literature.

The first essay, In Defense of Natural Society, appeared in 1756. This work was a parody of the work of the recently deceased English Henry Bolingbroke and passed off as his essay. The first books that Edmund Burke wrote are practically unknown to posterity and do not represent anything interesting. These experiences were important for the creative growth of the author himself.

Confession

Burke's first serious work was A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the High and the Beautiful. After the publication of this work in 1757, the most eminent thinkers of that era drew attention to the author: Lessing, Kant and Diderot. acquired a recognized reputation among writers. In addition, the study allowed him to launch his own political career.

Another serious success of the writer in those years was the magazine "Annual Register". Burke Edmund served as its editor-in-chief, and Robert Dodsley became the publisher. In 1758-1765. the Irishman wrote many articles in this edition, which became an important part of his creative heritage. Burke published especially a lot of materials on history in the "Annual Register". At the same time, he never admitted that he worked in a magazine, and published articles anonymously.

Political career

In 1759 Burke entered public service. For a while, he almost left his literary activity, since it brought almost no money. Two years earlier Bork Edmund had married Jane Nugent. The couple had two sons. The issue of finances has become more acute than ever. As a result, Burke became the private secretary of the diplomat William Hamilton. Working with him, the writer gained important political experience.

In 1765, Burke quarreled with Hamilton and became unemployed. years spent in London as a writer, working as a secretary - all this is a thing of the past. Now I had to start all over from scratch. Difficulties did not frighten the publicist who was left without income. Already at the end of the year, he got into the House of Commons, having been elected through the district of Wendover.

Member of parliament

Burke's chief patron in parliament was the Marquess of Rockingham, who in 1765-1766 served as prime minister. When he retired and became the head of the opposition to the new government, it was his protege, who left Hamilton, who became the main mouthpiece of an influential politician in the highest power circles. In parliament, attention was immediately drawn to such a rare and talented orator as Edmund Burke. The writer's books soon remained in the shadow of his public appearances.

The member of the House of Commons had a captivating eloquence. In parliament, his previous writing skills also came in handy. Burke himself prepared his numerous reports and speeches to the Lords. He was able to generalize colossal arrays of information and operate with disparate facts. The Thinker was a member of parliament for almost 28 years, and all these years he remained a popular and in-demand speaker, who was listened to with bated breath.

Pamphleteer

Burke wrote not only philosophical books. His pen belonged to pamphlets that were written specifically for the Whig party. So, in 1770, "Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent" were published. In this document, the author gave his definition of the party as an instrument of politics and presented arguments in favor of defending its state government. The pamphlet was critical. Burke condemned those close to the king, who determined his position on a variety of issues.

In 1774 Burke was elected to represent Bristol, then the second most important city in England. In parliament, the politician began to defend the interests of local merchants and industrialists. The break with the Bristolians occurred after the writer began to advocate a policy of reconciliation with the Irish Catholics.

American Question

In the 1770s, Burke wrote extensively about America. To the rebellious colonists, he also dedicated his public performance in parliament. At that time, this question worried all the British. In 1774, the speech "On Taxation in America" ​​was delivered and published, in 1775 - "Reconciliation with the Colonies".

Burke looked at the problem in terms of conservatism and pragmatism. He wanted by any means possible to achieve the preservation of the colonies as part of the British Empire. Therefore, he was a supporter of the policy of compromise. The parliamentarian believed that in order to find mutual language with the Americans, you need to carefully study its inner life, and only on the basis of this knowledge build your position. Burke proposed to reduce taxes on trade with America, since only such a policy would save at least some income, while otherwise Great Britain would simply lose its colonies. There was a very small group of Lords in Parliament, speaking from the same position as Burke. The history of the relationship between the mother country and the colonies showed that he was right.

Burke and the French Revolution

In 1789, it began. At its first stage, the majority of the inhabitants of Great Britain supported the dissatisfied Bourbons. Edmund Burke also closely followed the events in Paris. "Reflections on the Revolution in France" - his book, which appeared in 1790 and reflected the thinker's views on the situation in this state. In a 400-page pamphlet, the author described in detail the main principles and patterns of events in the neighboring country. Burke wrote his book primarily for compatriots. With her help, he hoped to warn the British against solidarity with the revolutionary masses in France. In "Reflections" most clearly in the work of Burke reflected his ideology of conservatism.

The writer believed that the revolution is dangerous because of its excessive attachment to theory. The dissatisfied in France spoke of abstract rights, preferring them to traditional, established state institutions. Burke was not only a conservative. He believed in the classical ideas of Aristotle and Christian theologians, believing that it was on them that an ideal society should be built. In Meditations, the politician criticized the theory of the Enlightenment that, with the help of reason, a person can penetrate any secrets of being. The ideologists of the French Revolution were for him inexperienced statesmen who could only speculate on the interests of society.

Meaning of "Reflections"

"Reflections on the Revolution in France" became Burke's most important work as a political thinker. Immediately after its publication, the book became the subject of a wide public discussion. She was praised, criticized, but no one could remain indifferent to what was written. Burke's earlier philosophical books were also popular, but it was the pamphlet about the revolution that hit the most sore European nerve. All the inhabitants of the Old World understood that a new era was coming, when civil society, with the help of the revolution, could change the objectionable government. This phenomenon was treated diametrically opposite, which was reflected in the work of the writer.

The book carried a premonition of disaster. The revolution did lead to a long crisis and numerous Napoleonic wars in Europe. The pamphlet also became a model of perfect command of English literary language. Writers such as Matthew Arnold, Leslie Stephen and William Hazlit unanimously regarded Burke as the unsurpassed master of prose, and "Meditations" as the most significant manifestation of his talent.

Last years

After the publication of the Meditations, Burke's life went downhill. Due to ideological differences with colleagues, he found himself isolated in the Whig party. In 1794, the politician resigned, and a few months later his son Richard died. Burke was worried about events in Ireland, where a radical national movement was growing.

Meanwhile, Great Britain began a war with revolutionary France. After the campaign dragged on, peaceful moods reigned in London. The government wanted to compromise with the Directory. Burke, though neither a politician nor an authority, continued to speak and write publicly. He was a supporter of war to a victorious end and opposed any kind of peace with the revolutionaries. In 1795, the publicist began work on a series of Letters on Peace with the Regicides. Two of them were written. The third Burke did not have time to finish. He died on July 9, 1797.

Introduction.

Political consciousness and political ideologies.

2.1. Edmund Burke is the ideological ancestor of British conservatism.

2.2. Traditionalism E. Burke

2.3. Burke's socio-political theory

Conclusion

Introduction

Conservatism as a special direction in the field of socio-political ideas and as a certain style of thinking has had a significant impact on the dynamics of the social and intellectual life of many countries of the world community for more than two centuries. and the philosophy of the Enlightenment, the name of Edmund Burke hardly speaks volumes. This is not surprising, because Burke is not mentioned in school history textbooks and only in passing - in textbooks for liberal arts universities. Meanwhile, back in the last century, the well-known English historian G.T. Buckle wrote that "even in the most brief outline of the history of England" without mentioning this name "an impermissible gap would be allowed" 1

The famous thinker and publicist, political figure of the second half of XVIII century, Edmund Burke (1729-1797) was probably one of the most extraordinary historical figures of his time. A native of the Celtic outskirts of Great Britain, the son of a poor Irish lawyer, this man for more than thirty years was one of the leaders of the parliamentary opposition to the official regime. English king George III; to his opinion on many issues of internal and foreign policy countries were listened to by such prominent statesmen of England of that time as W. Pitt, Jr. and C. J. Fox. In addition, Burke is traditionally considered one of the classics of political thought of the 18th century, the founder of a number of philosophical and political concepts that have great importance from the point of view of the formation of the ideology of conservatism.

The topic I have chosen is very relevant and interesting for a number of reasons. I am very interested in political ideologies, their formation and their essence. Edmund Burke is one of the founders of the formation of conservatism, which is one of the most important issues in political ideologies. I consider Edmund Burke a very interesting person, and the study of this topic attracted me with its versatility.

The structure of my work consists of two chapters and four paragraphs, in which I revealed the concept of such a political ideology as conservatism, and the main political views of one of the founders of conservatism, Edmund Burke.

1.1. POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES

Political ideologies (from the Greek ideas - concept and logos - knowledge ) represent the most influential forms of political consciousness. From the moment the term “ideology” itself appeared (it was introduced into scientific circulation by the French philosopherAntoine Destute de Tracyin 1801) in science there are different views on its content. Synthesizing the main approaches, we can say that political ideology represents, first of all, a certain doctrine that justifies the claims of this or that group of persons to power (or its use), achieving, in accordance with these goals, the subordination of public opinion to their own ideas. At the same time, political ideology is a system of ideas, views, ideas, containing a theoretical understanding of political life in terms of the interests, needs, goals and ideals of certain social groups and strata, national formations.

In other words, political ideology is a kind of corporate consciousness that reflects a group point of view on the course of the political and social development of society and, therefore, is characterized by a certain bias in assessments and a tendency to spiritual expansionism. It is primarily an instrument of elite circles, which, with its help, consolidate group associations of citizens, provide contact with the lower classes, and build a certain sequence of actions in the political space. At the same time, ideology is a socially significant, theoretically formulated system of ideas, which reflects the interests of certain strata and which serves to consolidate or change public interests. But ideology is not just a theoretically formalized awareness of the social layer of its being in its development. The value system, which is fixed in ideology, creates guidelines for social action. These landmarks mobilize people, guide their social activity and determine it.

in their practical deeds and deeds.

The fall in the influence of ideologies on public opinion or the spread of technocratic ideas that deny the possibility of the impact of social values ​​on political ties and relations leads to the de-ideologization of politics. Yes, in the early 1960s. 20th century D. Bell and R. Aron came to the conclusion about the “end of ideology”, but literally a decade later they also started talking about the re-ideologization of public life. The forcible introduction of ideology in society is called indoctrination and can lead to increased social tension.

The main ideological currents in the modern world. Political history over the centuries has demonstrated the rise and fall of many ideological doctrines. We will briefly dwell on the characteristics of only those ideological constructions that have played the most prominent role in the political arena in the last one and a half to two centuries:

- liberalism and neoliberalism. As an independent ideological trend, liberalism was formed on the basis of the political philosophy of the English enlighteners J. Locke, T. Hobbes, J. Mill, A. Smith in the late 17th - early 18th centuries. By linking the freedom of the individual with respect for natural human rights, as well as with the system of private ownership, liberalism laid the foundation for its concept of the ideals of free competition, the market, and entrepreneurship. In accordance with these priorities, the leading political ideas of liberalism were and remain the legal equality of citizens, the contractual nature of the state, the conviction of the equality of “professional, economic, religious, political associations competing in politics, none of which can have moral superiority and practical predominance over others." The ideological and moral core of “classical liberalism” was formed by the following provisions:

1) the absolute value of the human personality and the original (from birth) equality of all people;

2) autonomy of individual will;

3) the original rationality and virtue of the individual;

4) the existence of certain inalienable human rights, such as the right to life, liberty, property;

5) creation of the state on the basis of general consensus and with the sole purpose of preserving and protecting natural rights;

6) the contractual nature of relations between the state and society;

7) the rule of law as an instrument of social control and “freedom in law” as the right and opportunity “to live in accordance with a permanent law common to everyone in this society and not be dependent on the fickle, indefinite, unknown autocratic will of another person” (J. Locke );

8) limiting the volume and spheres of activity of the state;

9) protection - primarily from state interference - of a person's private life and freedom of action in all spheres of public life;

10) the existence of higher truths accessible to the mind of the individual, which should play the role of guidelines in the choice between good and evil, order and anarchy.

Adaptation of the traditional values ​​of liberalism to the realities of the second half of the twentieth century. implemented neoliberalism. His political program was based on the ideas of consensus between the rulers and the ruled, the need for the participation of the masses in the political process, and the democratization of the procedure for making managerial decisions. In contrast to the previous tendency to mechanically determine the democratic nature of political life by the majority, neoliberals began to give preference to pluralistic forms of organization and exercise of state power. They were not alien to the idea of ​​strengthening the role of state bodies in public life, the creation of a "welfare state". In the field of economics, they advocate the need to maintain an equal position different forms properties whose viability must be determined by the market. At the same time, the development of the market and its mechanisms is envisaged to be carried out under the control of the state. Neoliberalism, which consolidated the prominence of this ideology in the world, is increasingly acquiring the character of not so much a clear program as attitudes, worldviews, semantic orientations, in which common ideals and cultural principles come to the fore;

- conservatism and neoconservatism. Conservatism (the term was first used by François Chateaubriand at the beginning of the 19th century) is a twofold spiritual phenomenon. On the one hand, this is a psychological attitude, a style of thinking associated with the dominance of inertia and habit, a certain life temperament, a system of protective consciousness that prefers the former system of government, regardless of its goals and content. On the other hand, conservatism is both an appropriate model of behavior in politics and life in general, and a special ideological position with its own philosophical foundation, containing well-known guidelines and principles of political participation, attitudes towards the state, social order and associated with certain political actions, parties, unions. . The prerequisite for the emergence of these basic ideas was the reaction Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821), Louis de Bonalda (1754-1840), Edmund Burke(1729-1797) to the Great French Revolution of the 18th century, which caused the founders of conservatism to think about the unnaturalness of a conscious transformation of social orders. Conservatism, therefore, is an ideological and political doctrine focused on preserving and maintaining the historically established forms of state and social life, in particular its value foundations embodied in the family, national characteristics, religion, and property.

Conservatives X I 10th century proceeded from the complete priority of society over man: “people pass like shadows, but the common good is eternal” ( E. Burke). In their opinion, the freedom of a person was determined by his obligations to society, the ability to adapt to its requirements, and the main issue of transformations in society was reduced to the spiritual transformation of the person himself, since the preservation of the past in the present should be considered as a moral duty to future generations. The system of views of conservatives was based on the priority of continuity over innovation, on the recognition of the inviolability of the natural order of things, granted above the hierarchy of the human community, as well as the corresponding moral principles underlying the family, religion and property.

In the first half of the 70s of the twentieth century. conservatism has turned into neoconservatism. Its most famous representativesIrwin Kristol, Daniel Bell, Zbigniew Brzezinskiformulated a number of ideas that became a response to the economic crisis of that time, to the expansion of the influence of ideas John Keynes(1883-1946), mass youth protest movements. In particular, neoconservatism began to proceed from the fact that only market relations lead to the real development of society and man; that liberty and equality are incompatible; that classical democracy is unrealistic or harmful, in connection with which it is necessary to combine democracy with the power of elites in public life; that the main right of the individual is the right to own property and freely dispose of it; that the state has a limited right to interfere in economic life; that conservatives should lead the scientific and technological progress of our time.

- social democratic ideology. It has its roots in the times of the Second International (1889-1914) and is associated with the work of Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932), Karl Kautsky (1854-1938) and others. Unlike K. Marx and his followers, Bernstein denied the inevitability the collapse of capitalism and any connection between the advent of socialism and this collapse. Socialism, as this theorist believed, is not reduced to the replacement of private property by public property. The path to socialism is the search for new "comradely forms of production" in the conditions of the peaceful development of the capitalist economy and political democracy. “The ultimate goal is nothing, the movement is everything” – such was the slogan of reformist socialism. Its main political ideas were as follows: the rejection of any dictatorship as a form of political power; adherence to the principles of democratic parliamentarism; taking into account political pluralism and focus on consensus in solving critical problems; priority of peaceful means of achieving socialist goals; participation of the state in the regulation of the economy and the development of market mechanisms; fidelity to the concept of social security of the working masses; orientation towards the peaceful coexistence of various states and their sufficient security.

The Social Democrats in the Western countries, while in power or influencing the government, contributed in many ways to the democratization of their societies, to the expansion and consolidation of the rights and freedoms of workers. And that historical dispute, which for more than 100 years was waged between the Social Democrats and the Communists, can so far be considered resolved in favor of the Social Democracy;

Anarchist ideology. Modern anarchism is a collection of rather heterogeneous political currents, moods and orientations that have a certain influence on the world political process. The founders of anarchism were Max Stirner (1805-1856), Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin (1814-1876), Pyotr Alekseevich Kropotkin (1842-1921), Georges Sorel (1847-1922) and others. A common feature of all forms of anarchism is the idea of ​​the state as the main the source of evil in society, and its elimination, destruction - as the main condition for the radical improvement of social relations. Anarchists also have a negative attitude towards political means and instruments of struggle, including parties, organizations, since their activities are concentrated around the problems of influencing state power or its conquest;

- technocracy in the political sphere, it appears as a set of theories and methods based on them for interpreting and solving political problems, based on the belief that it is technology and its evolution that has a decisive influence on determining the specific appearance of political systems. The evolution of technocracy as a political direction is associated with T. Veblen, an American economist and sociologist who put forward the idea of ​​a “revolution of engineers” - the transfer of power to them not only in production, but also in society, where traditional politics turns into techno-power. The theory of post-industrial society that arose in the 70s of the twentieth century focused on such phenomena as the introduction of computer systems and technologies, the active use of electronic technology in production, everyday life, management, communications and education. The theory of post-industrial society departs from many traditional postulates of technocracy.

V. B modern Russia there is a crystallization of ideologies, preferences and the formation of a bipolar (or bipolar) ideological system - liberalism at one pole and communism with social democracy in its various forms - at the other. Centrist orientations are still very inexpressive. The main groups of political ideologies in the Russian Federation are as follows:

democratic-liberal, advocating the continuation of radical market reforms in the Western spirit (up to 20% of the respondents consider themselves to be its adherents);

national-patriotic or the ideology of “Russian nationalists”, offering its supporters a certain independent “Russian path” of development (up to 10% of the respondents consider themselves to be its supporters);

communist-patriotic ideology of supporters of socialism, up to 20% of respondents consider themselves to be its adherents;

sentiments of "centrism" are shown by people who do not support extreme right-wing and left-wing extremist groups, in polls they occupy 17-20%. This is the part of the electorate that is still waiting for the emergence of ideas that can bring representatives of the middle class to power.

The interaction of these groups of ideologies in the political space of Russia forms a phenomenon known in science as “ideological discourse”. In the controversy of representatives of the three main doctrines - socialist, nationalist and liberal-democratic - in their direct rivalry there are factors that determine both the pace of reform and the very nature of the economic and socio-political structure of our country.

2.1. Edmund Burke - the ideological founder of British conservatism.

Edmund Burke - English parliamentarian, politician, publicist of the Enlightenment, the ideological ancestor of British conservatism. Burke was born in Dublin in 1729, moved to London in 1750 to study law; left the study of law to become a writer. In 1758 he founded the annual almanac Annual Register - a review of world events, which he published for 30 years.

Burke's political views were most consistently reflected in his pamphlets against the French Revolution. Burke was the first to subject the ideology of the French revolutionaries to systematic and ruthless criticism. He saw the root of evil in the neglect of traditions and values ​​inherited from ancestors, in the fact that the revolution thoughtlessly destroys the spiritual resources of society and the cultural and ideological heritage accumulated over the centuries. He contrasted the radicalism of the French revolutionaries with the unwritten British constitution and its core values: concern for political continuity and natural development, respect for practical tradition and concrete rights instead of the abstract idea of ​​law, speculative constructions and innovations based on them. Burke believed that society should take for granted the existence of a hierarchical system among people, that in view of the imperfection of any human tricks, the artificial redistribution of property could turn into a catastrophe for society.

In the midst of the Indian campaign, an important political issue arose in full swing, concerning the French Revolution of 1789. Burke was one of the first to feel the extreme importance of the events in France. In November 1790, when the sympathies of the British still remained on the side of the revolutionaries, he published his Reflections on the Revolution in France (Reflections on the Revolution in France), a pamphlet of more than 400 pages, in which he analyzed the main political principles of the revolution. 2 Burke was poorly informed about what was going on in France; in any case, he was primarily concerned with the impact of "French principles" on English citizens.

Burke saw the danger of the revolution in its blind adherence to theory, the preference for abstract rights over traditional institutions and customs, in its contempt for experience. Burke himself believed in the classical traditions, coming from Aristotle, and in the Christian traditions, of which he considered the English theologian Richard Hooker to be a representative. Burke's views can hardly be called systematic pragmatism, but he was deeply suspicious of the "metaphysical speculations" of inexperienced statesmen. Building on the ideas of his early writings and speeches on America, and even his earlier work In Defense of Natural Society, Burke spoke out against the principles of the Age of Reason—or at least against the arrogance of those who believed that reason could penetrate last secrets being. He believed that only the action of divine providence could explain the great historical changes.

Thoughts fulfilled their immediate task and attracted public interest in the ideas and events of the French Revolution. The book caused numerous controversies and responses, among which Thomas Paine's pamphlet The Rights of Man (1791-1792) is most famous. However, the significance of Burke's book does not end there. Despite the rough edges of style and factual errors, the Meditations are Burke's most important writings. It most fully expresses the philosophy of conservatism, which is Burke's contribution to world political thought. Reflection is also the main victory won by his eloquence.

The book evoked an unusually wide response. In times when there was no threat of war and invasion, it gave rise to a sense of crisis, which usually occurs only during periods of catastrophe. The book is dedicated to specific events, but differs in the breadth and depth inherent in an outstanding work of literature. William Hazlitt, Matthew Arnold and Leslie Stephen unanimously call Burke the master of English prose. Reflections are the most striking manifestation of his talent.

2.2. Traditionalism E. Burke

The English parliamentarian and publicist Edmund Burke condemned the French Revolution. He saw this revolution as a threat to England. His book Meditations on the French Revolution (1790) became widely known. Burke's ideas were admired by de Maistre and de Bonald.

Burke sought to refute the method and teachings of the ideologues and leaders of the French Revolution. Their method, he wrote, is a priori, based on individual reason and operates with simplified constructions. This is the reason for the fallacy of the main provisions of the theory of the French revolutionaries.

Burke challenged the theory of the social contract with the argument that a person was never outside of society, but always, from birth, was connected with other people and society by a series of mutual duties. 3 Equally wrong, according to Burke, is the theory of popular rule. A people is a sum of persons which cannot constitute a single person acting as one person. An artificial fiction is the will of the majority, which underlies a number of theoretical constructions about power and law. Abstract notions of freedom lead to anarchy, and through it to tyranny. In fact, a person is not free from the existing society and social ties. Burke argued that popular sovereignty is “the most false, immoral, malicious doctrine that has ever been preached to the people” 4 . According to Burke, the theory of human rights is also based on fictions. A person cannot from birth acquire by some contract the right to a share in the rule of the people. In addition, the supposed equality of people is also a fiction. Burke sharply criticized the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which proclaimed the equality of all people before the law. People are not equal, and this is recognized by a society in which social and political inequality is inevitable. Human rights, Burke argued, must be derived not from ideas about an abstract person, but from a really existing society and state.

Burke opposes to the a priori theories of Locke and Rousseau the historical experience of centuries and peoples, and to reason - tradition. The social order, Burke argued, is formed as a result of slow historical development, embodying the common mind of peoples. Burke often refers to God, the creator of the universe, society, state. Any social order arises as a result of a long historical work that affirms stability, traditions, customs, prejudices. All this is the most valuable heritage of the ancestors, which must be carefully preserved. Even prejudices do not need to be destroyed, but to strive to find the truth contained in them. The strength of a valid constitution lies in antiquity, in tradition. Law is a product of people's life.

As soon as the state, society, law are not invented by man, but are created as a result of a long evolution, they cannot be rebuilt at the will of people. “Parisian philosophers,” Burke considered, “are extremely indifferent to those feelings and customs on which the world of morality is based ... In their experiments, they consider people as mice” 5 . "An honest reformer cannot regard his country as just a blank slate on which he can write whatever he pleases." The French Revolution differed from the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in England in that the French sought to rebuild everything, while the revolution in England, as Burke believed, was carried out to preserve ancient laws, freedoms, a constitution based on tradition. Burke strongly condemned all sorts of innovations, including those in the state system of England, which had developed over the centuries. The very doctrine of the state and law should become a science that studies historical experience, laws and practice, and not a scheme of a priori proofs and fictions, which is the doctrine of the ideologists of the revolution.

Burke, like the reactionary ideologists, opposed the rationalistic ideas of the Enlightenment with traditionalism and historicism, the belief in the invincibility of the course of history, independent of man. As applied to the history of law, this opposition was developed in the doctrine historical school rights.

2.3. Burke's socio-political theory

The system of socio-political views of Burke was determined by the Christian worldview. The life of the Universe, he believed, is subject to a single, eternal and universal law, established from above and acting both in nature and in society. In their actions, people are obliged to take into account this objective "course of things", although in social relations there is no such rigid interdependence between cause and effect as in the natural environment. The history of mankind develops in accordance with objective laws, but at the same time it is also the result of people's activities, the effectiveness of which depends on how accessible the wisdom of the divine harmony reigning in the Universe turned out to be.

The human mind, Burke believed, is not able to fully comprehend the patterns of social life established from above, however, by observing the daily "course of things" that embodied the wisdom of Providence, people can get some idea of ​​​​world harmony (for example, in the economy it manifests itself in the action of objective market laws). However, even such knowledge is available not for an individual, but only for the collective mind of the nation, generation after generation accumulating invaluable grains of divine wisdom, which is reflected in mores, customs and traditions.

Viewing each state as the hereditary heritage of all generations of its citizens, Burke emphasized the need to respect historical continuity in politics and denied the ability to evaluate social institutions in terms of their reasonableness, as many philosophers of the Enlightenment did. Criticizing the rationalistic approach, according to which the presence of internal contradictions in the object of study testifies to its non-viability, Burke argued that, according to the objective laws of the universe, contradictions in society are as inevitable as in nature. He also rejected the theory of the social contract of Rousseau, which suggested the possibility of creating society and the state through a purposeful act.

Without denying the possibility of reforming, if necessary, historically established institutions, Burke believed that such a transformation should be partial and purely pragmatic, being a means of improvement, not destruction (for example, the Glorious Revolution of 1688). He condemned the French Revolution as an attempt to destroy the established social order and replace it with a purely speculative and therefore unviable scheme of social relations developed by the philosophers of the Enlightenment.

Conclusion

In conclusion of my work, I would like to draw conclusions and note that Edmund Burke lived a long and interesting life, most of which he devoted to politics. At various times, he participated in solving the most pressing problems for England, and it is unfortunately impossible to cover in detail all aspects of his versatile social and political activities in a brief essay.

Burke spent the last years of his life in seclusion on his estate. In July 1797, he died, before his death, refusing an audience even to his former friend C. Fox.

Considering Burke as a politician in a broad historical context, we can conclude that in many respects his activities became an illustration of the emerging by the end of the 18th century. the conflict of the ideals of the Enlightenment with those methods that were really required to preserve the power and unity of the colonial empire and solve domestic political problems. The "Age of Enlightenment" was drawing to a close; it was replaced by an era with completely different values ​​and priorities.

I would also like to note that now all modern political ideologies, reflecting the conflicts of social life, are in constant development. Ideologies acquire new historical forms,

borrowing from each other value orientations that better fulfill the role of mobilization, organization of certain social strata, direct their social action. Thus liberalism becomes "more socialist", and socialism - "more liberal". Conservatism assimilates the values ​​of liberalism.

Modern ideologies seem to be retreating from a one-sided vision of the world,

move along the path of interpenetration and complementarity. However, this does not yet lead to the loss of their self-identity. Ideologies also reflect social interest and the search for more realistic and effective social development programs. The competition of forces claiming power, like the competition of ideologies, is an element of power relations, it is the engine of political development, one of the guarantees of its democratic tendencies.

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Political ideologies (5)

Abstract >> Philosophy

... - to the English thinker E. Berku. A serious contribution to the development of a conservative ... is characterized by a commitment to socio-cultural and religious traditionalism. As claimed, for example, ... was proclaimed politics support states"cultural-creative...

Modern political ideologies (2)

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Dependencies states and workshops. V politics the demand for freedom... can turn into condolences”1. Burke in every way extolled the English ... liberal neoconservatives are characteristic traditionalism, which is opposed to "progressive ...

Philosophy (11)

Test work >> Philosophy

supreme authority in state” Aristotle. Politics//Anthology of the world philo-... Constructive rationalism of liberals E. Burke demonstratively opposed the apology of "prejudice" ... including political. Traditionalism conservative ideology the closest...

11-07-2005

Margaret Thatcher on Edmund Burke:
And, as always, he was right.”

"Burke is a man whom both parties in England consider exemplary English statesman”
(New York DailyTribune, No. 4597, January 12, 1856)

What are the requirements to be met exemplary Politician, i.e. state, political, public leader? What features - ideally! should a Politician have?

The ideal, of course, is unattainable in real life, but it is very important as a standard, from the position of which only responsible judgments are possible about the actions of the authorities in a particular political situation, especially about the actions of its Leader.

I believe that such an “exemplary statesman is Edmund Burke, an English parliamentarian who is widely known in the West, but such is the paradox! – precisely as a Politician almost completely unfamiliar to the Russian audience. Burke's main political work, Meditations on the French Revolution (1790), appeared countless times in Western countries and never (in its entirety) in Russia. The translation into Russian of this work, published in London in 1992, suffers from a noticeable number of semantic and linguistic inaccuracies.

Meanwhile, in my opinion, Burke is worth first among the statesmen and political thinkers of the West of modern times. Burke occupies this place by the same right that Shakespeare occupies first place among the artists of the word. Their genius is quite comparable. The problems posed by them and the answers received from them - it is for all time. Margaret Thatcher quotes one of Burke's judgments with the following comment: "And, as always, he was right."

World culture to a certain extent owes Burke also the appearance of Dostoevsky as an artist of world-historical significance. The political concept, foresight and struggle against the future revolution in Russia, which determined the emotional pathos of Dostoevsky's brilliant novels, appeared in the writer's work from the mid-60s. XIX century., When he got acquainted with the "Reflections" by Edmund Burke. This book has become a powerful catalyst for the ideas ripening in his soul for the Russian writer.

Edmund Burke (1729-1797), Irish by birth, comes from an humble and poor family. A member of the House of Commons, he never held high official government positions. His career, as biographers testify, was hampered by a certain exaltation characteristic of the Irish, the absence of that composure, which is traditional among the English of his circle. But as a Politician, he enjoyed such enormous authority and influence among the Whigs that, in fact, he became their informal leader.

Burke is a man of encyclopedic education. His knowledge was not limited to the sphere of social sciences: history, philosophy, politics, jurisprudence. Burke anticipated the economic theory of Adam Smith, studied the history of languages, and left works in the field of aesthetics. He was fond of natural sciences, as well as various crafts. And all this knowledge “was not fragmentary with him, as with ordinary statesmen, but by the power of a genius, animating the most boring subject, they were merged into one whole,” writes the English historian G.T. Buckle, History of Civilization in England.

Hippolyte Taine, in an article published in January 1862 in the Dostoevsky brothers' magazine Vremya, notes that Burke had "such a versatile education that he was compared to Lord Bacon. But mainly he differed from others in the speed of his thinking. . . ; he quickly grasped general conclusions and saw in advance the direction of events inaccessible to others and the most secret meaning of things. “Such political clairvoyance (which Burke showed in “Reflections on the French Revolution” - K.R.) truly equals genius.” Tan especially emphasizes that Burke “came out into the people solely with the help of his labors and virtues, without the slightest spot on his conscience ... He sought support for humanity in the rules of morality ... Everywhere he is a defender of principle and a punisher of vice, using all the power of his knowledge, high mind and magnificent style, with the indefatigable fervor of a knight and a moralist.” It is clear why F.M. Dostoevsky, who selected this article for his journal, turned to Burke's main work.

Before the French Revolution Burke acted as a supporter of progressive reforms: Burke defended the American colonists in their struggle against the oppression of the mother country; insistently demanded the abolition of the slave trade; denounced the British colonial policy in India. The following passage from his speech against the leaders of the East India Company, steeped in corruption, is characteristic: “This breed of vulgar politicians is the real scum of the human race. Government work degenerates in their hands into the basest mechanical craft. Virtue is not in their manners. They lose their temper from any act dictated only by conscience and honor. They consider broad, liberal, far-sighted views on the interests of the state to be romanticism, and the principles corresponding to these views are delusions of an unhinged imagination. The calculations of calculators deprive them of the ability to think. The mockery of jesters and buffoons makes them ashamed of everything great and sublime. Poverty in ends and means appears to them as sanity and sobriety.” With the same disgust and contempt, Burke, a man of impeccable morality, treated the “brisk politicians of the Machiavellian persuasion” (p. 72).

Burke's performances of that time attracted the enthusiastic attention of Radishchev. The Russian revolutionary, in his Journey from Petersburg to Moscow, puts Burke on first place among the greatest orators of his day, the brilliant heirs of Demosthenes and Cicero.” “Bourke (i.e. Edmund Burke. -K.R.), Fox (Charles Fox - the formal leader of the Whigs, who considered himself a student of Burke - K.R.), Mirabeau and others,” Radishchev builds this series.

A friend of Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Paine, the ideologue of the American Revolution, Burke, as an informal leader of the Whigs, stood in charge of English liberal opposition of the time. He was a consistent supporter of reforms based on reasonable compromises with government authority headed by King George S.

All the more incomprehensible and unexpected for Burke's associates was his reaction to the revolution in France. Already in February 1790, just a few months after the storming of the Bastille (July 14, 1789), Burke spoke in Parliament with a feverish, unrestrained, uncompromising condemnation of the revolutionary events in France. And he made a stunning statement for the audience that, -- (I quote the official report on this meeting. - K.R.), -- “until his last breath, he will oppose and resist all innovations in the state structure of our happy country, in which whatever form and by whomsoever they are advanced, and he will strive to pass it on to posterity as pure and beautiful as he found it.” Such might be the opinion of the most extreme of the English conservatives of any age.

So, apparently, Burke's abrupt departure from his former convictions as an oppositionist and reformer was so unexpected that among his friends and supporters there was even an assumption: whether he had gone crazy in the truest sense of the word. Burke remained in complete spiritual isolation. Nevertheless, he develops and refines his views, which found expression in his famous book Reflections on the French Revolution. It came out on November 30, 1790, was immediately translated into German and French, and has since been reprinted many times in the West.

The genre of this work is unusual. The form chosen by Burke - a private letter to a certain young Frenchman - allowed the author to more freely and more fully convey to the reader not only his thoughts about the events in France, but also the most acute emotional shock that he experienced: after all, the fight against the French Revolution has become the most important thing since then. throughout his life.

This book at first will seem to almost any reader as difficult to understand as a teenager - the first acquaintance with Tolstoy's "War and Peace". Along with an in-depth analysis of individual problems, which is accessible only to a professional in a particular field of knowledge, the reader encounters on the pages of "Reflections" scattered, like precious ingots, foresights in the most different areas and observation of human nature. Often they are not related to each other, and sometimes with context. Each reader is able to grab only what is close to him at this stage of his life, as it happens to us when we come into contact with any genuine masterpiece in various fields. art. In a masterpiece of art there is always a certain bottomless secret. Burke's book, paradoxical as it may seem, in this aspect is quite integrated into a number of such masterpieces. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Burke's best expert, rightly notes that the book is “difficult to retell or systematize. It needs to be read as a whole, as a unique political work of art.”

In the sharpest form, categorically, Burke condemned the French Revolution. And he spoke just at the time when not only his comrades-in-arms in the Whig party, but almost all of England joyfully accepted the events in France: after all, this country, in terms of its state structure, a constitutional monarchy, apparently began to move closer to the English system. Moreover, the entire year of 1790 was relatively the calmest in the history of the French Revolution. The impression was everywhere that the revolution had already triumphantly ended. It remained only to reap its fragrant, magnificent fruits. That is why the prophetic analysis of this event in the Meditations sounded like such a shocking dissonance. The authors of the flurry of pamphlets that fell upon Burke (more than 60 in two years) furiously branded him as a traitor, a defector to the camp of the reactionary royal clique.

The book was enthusiastically accepted by the French aristocrats. She was immediately and extremely highly appreciated by the Russian Empress. As Folkener, the English ambassador to Russia, reported in a coded dispatch, Catherine 11 "expressed in the most enthusiastic terms her extreme admiration for Mr. Burke's recent book and the greatest disgust for the French Revolution."

What features of Burke - Politics manifested themselves in this crisis situation - the period of the Great French Revolution? First of all, the ability foresight. In Meditations, already in 1790, Burke accurately predicted all the subsequent stages of the revolution in France: the execution of the king and queen, terror (all these events will take place in 1793-1794), the appearance on the historical stage of a general who will be adored by the army and who becomes the sole dictator of the country (this will happen on Brumaire 18, 1799). As these predictions come true, Burke gains more and more popularity. He even began to be called the "oracle of political wisdom."

The 19th century gave Dostoevsky good reason to see in his Meditations the outlines of a future revolution in Russia. The 20th century made it possible to re-evaluate Edmund Burke's gift of foresight. In 1992, the best ever published biography of Edmund Burke as a statesman and political thinker was published. Its author, Conor Cruise O'Brien, quite rightly showed that the Meditations contained a prediction of the totalitarian regimes so characteristic of the 20th century. Among Burke's foresights there are those that already apply to the present century, and, probably, to all subsequent ones. We will present such predictions later.

foresight , probably, is the main feature of a true statesman, political or public figure. “Gouverner c’est prévoir” (“To rule is to foresee”), said Catherine 11. Foresight is not prophecy, which has as its only source something metaphysical, Divine substance. The prediction is subject to analysis. Unlike prophecy, it is more accessible to understanding. It seems to me that Politician's foresights have as their source his intuition, erudition and professionalism.

Intuition, inherent in the Politician, is a gift, a phenomenon as rare as the gift of an artist, musician, etc. In close conjunction with erudition and professionalism, intuition allows the Politician to foresee the future and find solutions spontaneously, at computer speed. They seem to appear on their own, and not as a result of super-long calculations of the whole multitude of options arising from the most complex tangle of state and social problems. After all, it is absolutely impossible to calculate them logically.

Erudition in addition to intuition a broad outlook allows the Politician to take care not only of the welfare of his country, but also - ideally represent the interests of all mankind. So global vision is a very rare phenomenon in practice .

Professionalism and personal experience of the current Policy allows you to make decisions based on from living reality and not only from theories, which may well turn out in time to be some speculative chimeras.

The foundation on which the Politician relies in his insights and decisions is moral like awareness the deepest personal responsibility to his family, his country and all mankind.

There is no doubt that Burke fully possesses these high qualities. Let us consider how they manifest themselves in his foresights and his recommended actions.

Intuition, as it seems to me, allowed Burke to comprehend the real nature of man on the same dizzying high level as Shakespeare and Dostoevsky.

In the period that went down in history as the Age of Enlightenment, the generally accepted idea was that human nature is essentially beautiful, and only external conditions, the environment, cripple people. Burke in "Reflections" probably first violently and passionately opposed this concept in the socio-political sphere. The author presented this idea as “theoretical”, “speculative”, “arithmetic”, as a gross simplification of real life phenomena. He is convinced: “Human nature is extremely bizarre (p. 134), and “in its deepest essence, it cannot be changed” (p. 163). A politician corresponding to his appointment is obliged to be guided by this provision. According to Burke, to build state and public life on the basis of "theory", without taking into account specific life circumstances, the nature and aspirations of people, means a direct path to disaster. It is this approach that underlies his analysis of events in France.

Supporters of the revolution juggle with the concepts of freedom, democracy, human rights. According to Burke, these are all "names", "metaphysical abstractions". Burke dwells on the concept "Liberty": it is impossible “to speak with censure or praise of something connected with human actions or human aspirations, proceeding from only one single object for consideration, taken in isolation from all its connections, in undisguised nakedness and isolation, characteristic of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances ... in fact give each political principle its own distinctive flavor and special effect. Burke is convinced particular circumstances" make any civic or political program beneficial or detrimental to humanity” (p. 68). Is it because abstract freedom is considered one of the blessings of mankind that I should seriously congratulate the madman who escaped from the asylum, “that he can enjoy light and freedom? Burke asks. “Should I congratulate the robber and murderer who has broken out of prison on the restoration of his natural rights?” (p.69).

Burke goes on to list those specific circumstances, which should be considered before "congratulating France on the occasion of the newfound freedom." Their list is impressive. Burke considers it necessary to reveal “how this freedom is combined with government, with the influence of society, with obedience and discipline in the army, with the collection and fair distribution of public revenue, with morality and religion, with the stability of property, with peace and order, with civil and public mores. ”(p.68). Professional the analysis of these "circumstances" constitutes the content of the book. And here is the conclusion about the true meaning of the concept of “freedom”: “What is freedom without wisdom and virtue? This is the greatest possible evil; without a guiding or restraining beginning, it turns into frivolity, vice and madness” (p. 355). This definition of the concept Liberty” is worthy of becoming a classic. The demagogic, irresponsible use of such "metaphysical abstractions" as empty "pompous, beautiful words" represents, according to Burke, the most serious danger to the country.

In Meditations, Burke constantly refers to the unique character of the French Revolution, never seen before in the history of mankind. It is the most amazing thing that has happened in the world so far” (p. 71). It is “the most important of all the revolutions that are likely to begin from this day, for it is a revolution in thought, manners, morality. Not only everything that we revered in the world around us was destroyed, but an attempt was made to destroy all the revered principles of our inner world. A person is forced to almost ask for forgiveness for the fact that natural human feelings are alive in him” (p. 156).

In France, an attempt was made on the basis of "theory" to nurture a "new" person, to build a society on hitherto unheard-of principles. Two of the most important "theoretical innovations" are identified by Burke:

1 the destruction of religion, the preaching of atheism;

2 - persecution and confiscation of property by class.

Preaching atheism, destruction of religion- the main, according to Burke, feature of the French Revolution of the 18th century, the source of its destructive influence on the future of mankind. Burke is convinced that religion is “the first of our prejudices, and not only not without a reasonable basis, but containing the deepest wisdom” (p. 169). Religion turns virtue into a habit. Thanks to religion, Burke believes, a sense of duty becomes part of human nature. “We know, and what is even better, we feel inwardly that religion is the basis of civil society, the source of all blessings and peace” (p. 167).

Burke is sure that the rejection of religion, atheism, will lead to the fact that in its place will be established "any rude, humiliating and harmful religious superstition" (p. 168). The natural sense of good and evil is lost, which is felt by people through conscience and strengthened by religion. “If perfidy and murder are allowed for the public good, then the public good soon becomes a pretext, and perfidy and murder the goal, until greed, malice, revenge and fear, more terrible than revenge, saturate them (K.R. - supporters of the “new ideology) fantastic appetites. Such should be the consequences of the loss ... of any natural sense of good and evil ”(p. 158) Burke sees“ in the groves of their academy, at the end of every alley, only the gallows ”(p. 163).

Persecution and confiscation of property by class- Another "innovation" that is being introduced in revolutionary France. Burke writes: “It is not entirely fair to punish people for the misdeeds of their ancestors, but to take belonging to a certain rank for some collective heritage, as a basis for punishing people who had nothing to do with the offense, except the names of their class,- this is already an improvement of justice, which belongs entirely to the philosophy of our century ”(p. 225).

Persecution by class and confiscation of property (so far only from the clergy and aristocrats who fled the country) over time, Burke prophetically notes, can affect any segment of the population and any owner. undermined ownership. She can be given to plunder the crowd. An example is important here, the beginning. What a gift of foresight you need to have in order to discern phenomena that were barely outlined in the time of Burke and received their full embodiment and development only in the 20th century, starting from October 1917!

Professionalism and erudition Burke, the depth of comprehension by him human nature, are also manifested in the way he views the composition of the National Assembly of France and its activities for a little over a year since the storming of the Bastille. First of all, Burke is interested in what kind of people came to power in this country. He studies the lists of deputies, group by group, reveals the psychology, interests, relationships between groups, the possibilities of these people in terms of their compliance with the authority they have received. Burke sees among them some bright and worthy personalities, but in politics they are "non-smart". Burke sadly states that "those few persons who formerly held a high position and are still famous for their high spirit" let themselves be "deceived beautiful words”, do not understand what is happening and “even with their virtues they serve the death of their country” (p. 293). The main composition of the National Assembly is small solicitors, attorneys, as well as healers, rural curates - people who previously occupied the lower rungs of the social ladder. Their thirst for self-affirmation, the wretchedness of their horizons, the lack of not only experience, but even an idea of ​​state activity, will predetermine, according to Burke, the subsequent collapse of all revolutionary slogans and promises (see pp. 108-120). This is a “meeting of persons”, which illegally, taking advantage of the circumstances, seized power in the state” (p. 254). French "politicians do not know their craft" (p. 247). In the actions of the French legislators, only “the metaphysics of a half-educated student or the mathematician of an excise official” is manifested, and these are very “weak means” for lawmaking (p. 282). These "politicians" display "prolific stupidity" (337). “Those who know what virtuous freedom is cannot bear to be shamed by stupid heads, repeating grandiloquent words,” concludes Burke (p. 355).

The author is occupied with the immediate and long-term consequences of those specific acts that these “stupid heads” undertake in the most important areas for the life of the country: legislation (p. 263-296), executive power (p. 296-305), judicial system(p.305-310), army (310-332), finance (332-354). Should be in the highest degree professional analysis of each of these areas, richly supplemented by data from adjacent areas, as well as from history, especially ancient. Once again involved truly encyclopedic erudition Burke.

Let us give an example of how, as a result of such close attention professional analysis, one of the most famous foresight Burke. The politician considers the state of affairs in the army. He draws information, as they say, first-hand, from the Address to the National Assembly of the Minister of War of the country Tour du Pin in June 1790. The Minister unfolds an impressive picture of “unrest and confusion” among the military. Military discipline is collapsing, “officers are threatened, they are humiliated and expelled, and some of them even become prisoners of their own troops ... And in order to fill this cup of horrors to the brim, the throats of the commandants of the garrisons are cut in front of the soldiers subordinate to them, almost with their own weapons.” “Monstrous democratic assemblies,” self-proclaimed committees” from the lower ranks arise, which dictate their will to the officers. The army turns into a “organ of discussion”, “begins to act according to its own decisions” and becomes a threat to national security (pp. 312-314). This is the conclusion of the Minister of War.

Burke comments on his message and claims that such a situation is “extreme, one of the most terrible that only a state can experience” (p. 315). According to Burke, in such a state of the army, one should expect civil and military courts, the disbandment of individual units, the execution of every tenth and all the grave measures that are dictated in such cases by necessity. What is the National Assembly doing? It, you see, multiplies the types of oaths, diversifies their texts, and, finally, “applies the most amazing means of all that came to people’s minds”: military corps in several municipalities are ordered to unite with clubs and municipal societies in order to jointly celebrate holidays and participate in civic entertainment! Such a cheerful discipline” (p. 316). Burke assesses such measures of the authorities as “fantastic whims of underage politicians” (p. 318). And further: “If the soldiers once get involved in municipal clubs, cliques, unions, then, carried away by the elections, they will be drawn to the lowest and most desperate party ... Blood will inevitably be shed here” (p. 320). Burke reveals the reasons for the decomposition of the army in their most complex interweaving and on this basis makes his prediction: in the end, a popular general will come to power, “possessing the character of a true commander ... Armies will obey his personal authority.” The minute this happens, he will become the sovereign master of the country (p. 323).

This is how they are born all predictions Burke is the result of his ingenious intuition encyclopedic erudition, highest professionalism and global visions. Burke is convinced: “we are dealing here with a great crisis, concerning not only one France, but all of Europe, and perhaps the world” (p. 71). And all this Burke broadcasts in the year 1790, still so prosperous for France!

What does he offer make in response to a challenge that threatens stability, the very existence of European civilization? In Meditations, Burke paints an ominous picture of impending disaster, warning of monstrous danger. Possible retaliatory actions only hinted at, as, for example, in the passage where we are talking about mutinies in the army and ruthlessness towards their participants, up to the execution of every tenth! To reprisal merciless, not knowing any pity, no indulgence, calls Burke in the works written after the Meditations ”, during 1791-97. From the rostrum of Parliament, in messages addressed to rulers and politicians, he calls for organizing crusade kings against revolutionary France. In a letter to Catherine 11 dated November 1, 1791. Burke reminds her of her favorable review of the Meditations and expresses the hope that she will declare war on revolutionary France and thereby set a convincing example for other European monarchs. “The armed intervention of Russia (in French affairs – KR) will protect the World from Barbarism and Collapse,” Burke concludes his message.

According to Burke, there can be no peace with those who threaten the very existence of Christian civilization. His rigidity towards the enemy, calls to defeat him in the very lair, and not to wait until "this infection" spreads to neighboring countries, in no case go to any negotiations with revolutionary France, and, even more so, alliances - such is Burke's position, absolutely misunderstood by his contemporaries, brought up on the ideas of the Enlightenment, unimaginable in the conditions of the 18th century. Despite all the arguments of Burke and his efforts, England in 1796 nevertheless made peace with France. And in 1797, General Napoleon had already discussed with Thomas Paine in Paris a plan to attack England and even proposed to place Paine at the head of the English Republic. So Burke's fears were fully justified.

Burke has always preferred maximum to secure his country, and, if possible, the whole world. His conviction was: “When a neighbor's house is on fire, it is not bad to pour water on your own. It is better to be the subject of ridicule due to excessive caution than to go bankrupt due to excessive confidence in one’s own safety” (p. 71). I cannot refrain from commenting: in similar situations, he is not afraid of ridicule and even accusations of cowardice and weakness, President of Russia V. V. Putin.

According to Burke, the war with revolutionary France is a “crusade”, a “religious war”, and it should be waged not only abroad, but also repression should be used in one's own country, in England. He foresees the possibility of a revolutionary uprising in England and already in the middle of 1791 outlines preventive measures: judges “should openly control the distribution of treacherous books, the activities of schismatic unions and all kinds of connections, correspondence or communication with vicious or dangerous people from other countries. And again, Burke is “ahead of the rest” and is not understood by anyone. And in England, meanwhile, a revolutionary upheaval is brewing. This is one of the little known pages. English history, therefore we will linger here a little more, especially since - an interesting circumstance! - there are amazing associations with the events that will take place in Russia in 1905 and 1917.

At the end of 1791 and in 1792, “Correspondent Societies” arose in England, the purpose of which was completely revolutionary - to overthrow the king and his government, to establish republican rule. Under the influence of the "Correspondent Societies" were London and the industrial regions of England, Scotland and Ireland . Of exceptional influence in England was Burke's former friend Thomas Paine, The Rights of Man (1791-1792), a sharp rebuke to the Meditations and an enthusiastic anthem to the French Revolution. Correspondent societies” distributed it everywhere. In December 1792, a trial took place in absentia of Payne, who by that time had been elected a member of the National Assembly of France and left for Paris. In his speech Attorney General stated that Payne's book “has been proclaimed to the world in every possible form and by every possible means, it has been distributed to people of all classes; even sweets for children were wrapped in sheets from this book.” The Attorney General painted an impressive picture of this avalanche of pamphlets and proclamations that so unexpectedly fell upon the country: “How did these unworthy papers get distributed? We all know this. They were thrown into our carriages on every street; we met them at every outpost (road tolls were levied here. - K.R.); and they lie in the courtyards of all our houses.” Payne was outlawed and the book was to be burned.

But. . . England is a free country, extracts from this book in the form of pamphlets, leaflets and proclamations continued to be freely printed. And the "infection" safely spread. From a spark in 1790, which Burke unsuccessfully tried to extinguish, it turned into a raging flame that almost brought England to the brink of a national catastrophe. On May 12, 1794, King George III, under the strong influence of E. Burke, sent a message to Parliament that anti-government agitation was being carried out in the country. On the same day, a wave of arrests began, in particular among the leaders of the London Correspondence Society. All were charged with treason. The indictment stated that the defendants were “preparing to convene a convention, and people from different parts of our kingdom were to gather for a meeting with a purpose. . . destroy and change legislative institutions, government and government. . . and depose the King. . . And to carry out his most vile betrayal. . . they procured and stockpiled guns, muskets, pikes and axes to start and wage war, rebellion and mutiny against the King.” However, an independent English court considered the accusations unproven (weapons had not yet been used!) and all those arrested were released. The result was not slow to tell.

The "Correspondent Societies" continued their agitation and distributed Paine's "Rights of Man" tract, as well as proclamations with excerpts from this work. The ways in which the book was distributed took sometimes unexpected forms. The testimony of the English writer Hannah More has come down to us: “the supporters of rebellion, godlessness and vice have already gone so far as to load their harmful pamphlets on donkeys and scatter them not only in huts and along high roads, but even in mines and mines.” The observation of one of his contemporaries in 1797 is characteristic: “our peasants are now reading The Rights of Man in the mountains, and in the swamps, and along the roadsides.” The "Correspondent Societies" acted with equal energy in Ireland and Scotland, where rebellions broke out under their influence.

"Correspondent societies" carried out intensive propaganda in military units and on ships. Back in 1792-95. under their influence, separate sections of the army and militia wavered, and in 1797 a grandiose uprising broke out in the navy. Red flags were hoisted over whole squadrons of English warships and over individual ships. Usually they were raised as a signal for battle, now they called for a revolution. For the first time in Britain - both at sea and on land - the rebels formed their governments on the basis of "universal suffrage". At the head of the "Central Committee" (Central Committee) stood a former teacher, sailor Richard Parker. In the official papers of the rebels, his post was called "President of the Navy." Among themselves, the rebels called Parker "Red Admiral". Under his leadership, the blockade of the Thames began. Edmund Burke was in despair: “To see the Thames itself brazenly blockaded by the rebellious English fleet - this cannot even be dreamed of in a nightmare!”.

As a result of this rebellion, a situation most dangerous for the defense of the country developed: the entire east coast. In the event that the Dutch fleet, allied to the French, acted against England, the authorities could not provide him with the necessary resistance. The British government was forced to seek help from Russian ambassador S.R. Vorontsov, who was subordinate to the Russian squadron of Admiral M.K. Makarov. S.R. Vorontsov gave the order to fulfill this request, and the Russian ships took part in the protection of the state border of England.

This time, the authorities took drastic measures, in the spirit of Edmund Burke's exhortations: based on decisions military courts the leaders of the uprising were sentenced to death, and other participants were severely punished. Only by 1799 did the government manage to restore relative stability to the country. And then England moved towards the status of a modern democratic state through reforms, not revolutions similar to French. There is no doubt that in this turn of English history, among many other reasons, there was also a certain influence of Edmund Burke.

Let us now turn to Burke's statements from the "eternal" series, which are always modern. His insight surpasses all imagination. Here is one of his predictions for centuries to come, accurate, far-sighted and. . . very sobering. Burke sees the origins of social cataclysms in human vices. “History consists,” says Burke, “to a large extent of the disasters that bring pride, vanity, greed, vindictiveness, voluptuousness, unruly passions and the whole series of instinctive desires into the world. . .”. They shake the lives of peoples and individuals. These vices, according to Burke, “are the causes of storms, and religion, mores, prerogatives, privileges, freedoms, human rights are pretexts. And these pretexts always appear in the garb of some true good. But would people be saved from tyranny and rebellion if it were possible to wrest from their souls the principles to which these deceitful pretexts appeal? If this were successful, then everything that is highest in it would be eradicated in the human heart. The wise will apply the cure to vices, not to names, to the causes of evil, which are unchangeable, and not to the accidental instruments they use.” (I will note in brackets: M.B. Khodorkovsky should have paid special attention to this judgment of the sage Burke. -K.R.)

And as a warning to us, his descendants: “Rarely do two centuries have similar fashions for prepositions. Evil is always creative. While you are discussing fashion, it has already passed. The same vice takes on a new form. His spirit moves into a new body, without changing the principle with a change in appearance, he appears in a different guise and acts with the fresh ardor of youth.(pp. 176-177).

In general, Burke teaches us to look at things soberly and not to hope that the next victory over evil - previously in the form of Nazism, then communism, and today - Islamic fundamentalism - will stop another formidable danger, as yet unidentified and therefore has no name, some new formidable "ism". But this monster is ripening as an inevitable consequence of the boiling of human passions. The main task, the first duty of the Politician is to discern and destroy it while it is still in its infancy or in its cradle: “Undoubtedly, the natural development of passions from forgivable weakness to vice must be prevented by a watchful eye and a firm hand,” Burke demands (p. 230) .

Now let's ask Burke: how long will the war against Islamic fundamentalism last? Here is his answer, addressed to us through the centuries: “I emphasize and want you to pay attention to this, we are talking about long war(Italics Burke a - K.R.), for without such a war, as the experience of history shows us, no dangerous force can be curbed or brought to reason ”(First Letter on Peace with the Regicides, 1796).

You can turn to Burke, find out his judgment on such a very specific issue. Acting Prosecutor General of Russia V. Ustinov suggested taking terrorists' relatives hostage. How should this kind of innovation be treated? Indeed, to the ear of a civilized person, it is absolutely, unambiguously intolerant. It's about innocent people! What about Burke? Here is his position: “The rules of civilized war will not be observed, and the French, who have already abandoned these rules, should not hope that they will be observed by the enemy. They. . . don't have to wait for mercy. The whole war, if it does not result in open battles, will be likened to mass executions by the verdict of a court-martial ... . Cerberus warfare - from all sides - will be lowered without muzzles. New school murder, created in Paris, trampling all the rules and principles on which Europe was brought up, will also destroy the rules of civilized warfare, which, more than anything else, distinguished the Christian world. This is the political reality that it is possible to comprehend only through a deeper understanding of human nature, is another specific lesson that Burke taught us. “Uncivilized means in the fight against Islamic terrorism are quite acceptable,” this, obviously, would be Burke's “opinion” about V. Ustinov's proposal.

In every era, the attentive reader will find in Burke something for himself, extremely important and new. As for professional politicians, for them Burke's works, as I see it, are a serious tutorial in the field of politics and human science. After all, in politics Burke is the Great Teacher, and in comprehending human nature he is congenial to both Shakespeare and Dostoevsky.

So, the main feature of Politics is power foresight . The sources that feed it are intuition-human science; erudition, which opens up the possibility global vision political and social problems; and professionalism, infused on moral principles, which appear as responsibility to his family, his country and humanity. Edmund Burke could serve as a standard. I believe he secured first place among the outstanding Politicians of the new time because none of them can compare with Burke in range of foresight, for centuries to come.

It is obvious that Politicians comparable to Burke are a very rare phenomenon, very “piece”. In my mind, among the Politicians of the 20th century - if we compile this list according to the time of their activity - there are Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Andrei Sakharov, Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher and, of course, others . History will take care of clarifying this list. I think that among the Politicians of the 21st century, if it is compiled according to an identical “temporal” principle, first may also be called Russian Politician Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.

Edmund Burke

Leader of the Whig Party

Burke, Edmund (January 12, 1729 - July 8, 1797) was an English politician and publicist. Since 1766, Burke, a member of parliament, soon moved into the ranks of the leading figures of the Whig party. Burke was a representative of those sections of the English bourgeoisie who opposed the strengthening of royal power. He advocated a compromise with the rebellious British colonies in North America. Author of the work: "Thoughts on the cause of the present discontents", 1770, directed against the policies of King George III and his ministers. In 1790, Burke published "Reflections on the revolution in France...", which reflected the fear of the English property classes before the revolutionary events in France.In "Reflections ..." Burke portrays the state as the personification centuries of creative activity, therefore, according to Burke, no generation has the right to forcibly break the institutions created by the efforts of a long series of previous generations. also filled with denunciations of the French Revolution.

E. B. Chernyak. Moscow.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 2. BAAL - WASHINGTON. 1962.

Compositions: The Collected Works, v. 1-8, L., 1792-1827.

Literature: Marx K., Capital, vol. 1, M., 1955, ch. 24, p. 763 (note); K. Marx, Traditional English Politics, K. Marx and R. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 11, 1958, p. 609; Macknight T, History of the life and times of Edmund Burke, n 1-3, L, 1858-61, Magnus R., Edmund Burke. A life, L., 1939; Stanlis R. J., Edmund Burke and the natural law, Ann Arbor, 1958.

Philosopher and esthetician

Burke (Burke) Edmund (January 12, 1729, Dublin - July 9, 1797, Beaconsfield) - British political philosopher and aesthetics, politician and publicist. Irish by origin. In 1766-1794 he was a member of the House of Commons (Whig). In 1755, he anonymously published the parody A Vindication of Natural Society..., directed against the spirit of free-thinking and religious skepticism"Philosophical Experiences" G. Bolingbroke. Bringing the ideas of rational-utopian criticism of the state, religion, law, nation, social hierarchy to the point of absurdity, he tried to show their futility and destructiveness, however, the ambiguity in Burke's portrayal of the contradictions and absurdities of the existing society forced many readers, against the author's wishes, to accept parody as a criticism of social institutions. Burke's real goal was to justify the primordial traditions and social institutions (patriarchal family, community, church, guild, etc.), which, as manifestations of "natural law", "grow" in the course of a natural process (described by him in terms of biology). A supporter of "wisdom" and the inviolability of traditional institutions, Burke considered the "right of prescription" as the driving principle of an organic social order, the model of which he saw in the English constitution. Based on the traditional interpretation of English customary law as protecting the privileges of citizens from lawless encroachments of the authorities, on the one hand, and rebels, on the other, Burke defended the principles of the English Revolution of 1686-89, recognized the right of the rebellious American colonies to self-defense and independence, and at the same time sharply opposed the French Jacobin revolutionaries, in whose activities he saw an attempt to implement the abstract constructions of the Enlightenment ideology. In the pamphlet "Reflections on the Revolution in France..." (Reflections on the Revolution in France... 1790; Russian translation 1993), he called for a "counter-revolution", the consolidation of all the forces of Europe in the struggle against Jacobinism. The fierce controversy surrounding the pamphlet (about 40 “answers” ​​by publicists to Burke, among which the most famous is T. Penn) caused a polarization of public opinion in England in relation to the Great French Revolution (and as a result - the split in 1791 of the Whig party).

In his aesthetic concept, Burke relied on the ideas of English aesthetics of the 18th century. In the spirit of sensationalism, Locke recognized feelings as the only source of aesthetic ideas. At the basis of the beautiful is the feeling of pleasure, at the basis of the sublime is displeasure; meeting with the sublime confronts a person with reality, gives rise to a feeling of horror and helplessness in the face of the huge, incomprehensible and powerful (i.e., divine). The influence of Burke's ideas was contradictory: if the liberals saw him as a defender of public freedoms and free trade, a two-party system, the right to self-determination, then the ideologists of conservatism relied on his feudal-conservative concept of political power and criticism of the Enlightenment (L. Bonald, J. de Maistre, S. Coleridge, F. Savigny). Contemporary neoconservatives have hailed Burke as a "prophet of conservatism".

A. M. Satin

New Philosophical Encyclopedia. In four volumes. / Institute of Philosophy RAS. Scientific ed. advice: V.S. Stepin, A.A. Huseynov, G.Yu. Semigin. M., Thought, 2010, vol. I, A - D, p. 259-260.

Read further:

Historical Persons of England (Great Britain). (biographical guide).

Philosophers, lovers of wisdom (biographical index).

Compositions:

The Works, v. 1-12. Boston, 1894-99; The Speeches, v. 1-4. L., 1816;

The Correspondence, v. 1-10. Cambr.-Chi., 1958-78;

A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful). M., 1979;

Protection of natural society. - In the book: Egalitarian pamphlets in England in the mid-18th century. M, 1991, p. 41-110.

Literature:

Trofimov PS Sublime and beautiful in the aesthetics of E. Burke. - In: From the history of aesthetic thought of the new time. M., 1959;

Chudinov A. V. British Reflections on the French Revolution: E. Burke, J. Mackintosh, W. Godwin. M., 1996;

MorleyJ. Burke. N.Y., 1884;

Kirk R. The Conservative Mind from Burke to Santayana. Chi., 1953;

Parkin Ch. The Moral Basis ol Burke's Political Thought. Cambr., 1956;

Fasel G. E. Burke. Boston, 1983;

Nisbet R. Conservatism: Dream and Reality, Milton Keynes, 1986.

POLITICAL VIEWS

Edmund Burke is an English parliamentarian, politician, publicist of the Enlightenment, the ideological ancestor of British conservatism.

Question. Political views of E. Burke. The emergence of conservatism

Term "ideology" of ancient Greek origin and literally means "the doctrine of ideas", since it consists of two words "idea" and "logos". It was introduced into scientific circulation by Antoine Destube de Tracy, one of the representatives of the later generation of French enlighteners. In his work A Study on the Power of Thinking, he used the term ideology to characterize the science of ideas.

Burke's political views were most consistently reflected in his pamphlets against the French Revolution. Burke was the first to subject the ideology of the French revolutionaries to systematic and ruthless criticism. He saw the root of evil in the neglect of traditions and values ​​inherited from ancestors, in the fact that the revolution thoughtlessly destroys the spiritual resources of society and the cultural and ideological heritage accumulated over the centuries. He contrasted the radicalism of the French revolutionaries with the unwritten British constitution and its core values: concern for political continuity and natural development, respect for practical tradition and concrete rights instead of the abstract idea of ​​law, speculative constructions and innovations based on them. Burke believed that society should take for granted the existence of a hierarchical system among people, that in view of the imperfection of any human tricks, the artificial redistribution of property could turn into a catastrophe for society.

Conservatism is a conglomeration of very different social and political doctrines that have evolved and changed over time. Therefore, conservatism is not any specific political doctrine, but a “mood”, a complex of certain basic worldview principles that have in common all conservative concepts. These conservative principles were first clearly articulated in the work of Edmund Burke, who is therefore regarded as the founder of conservatism.

E. Burke (1729 - 1797) - English thinker and politician. In 1790, he published the pamphlet Reflections on the Revolution in France, which has since become the "bible" of classical Western conservatism.

In Meditations, Burke contrasted Britain as an ideal social and political order and revolutionary France as an undesirable, pernicious alternative political development.

Comparing England and France, E. Burke does not just compare two countries or two national characters - he formulates the basic postulates of conservatism (which, in his opinion, are inherent in the British) as opposed to revolutionary principles (which "the French profess").

So, what are E. Burke's main revolutionary-conservative contradictions (oppositions)?

First, for a revolutionary, E. Burke believes, abstraction (a generalization, a product of speculative reflection) acts as a motive and plan for the reorganization of society and the state. For the sake of a speculative idea, for the sake of a dream, revolutionaries are ready to destroy the existing socio-political system and create a new one on its ruins. Burke contrasts this revolutionary principle of political action with the conservative postulate that practice (and not abstraction) should be the source of political action. Only practice, the practical needs of the country should set goals for politicians. Respect for the existing order of things is the duty of politicians.

Secondly, E. Burke proves that the revolutionary is characterized by abstract individualized rationalism. E. Burke contrasts this principle of thinking with tradition, which, in his opinion, is the quintessence of the practical experience of many generations. The English thinker develops the so-called. "an apology for prejudice", defending traditional norms that the French revolutionaries "frivolously and smugly" treated as ignorance, prejudice. Tradition for E. Burke is a product of the collective mind, tested in practice; while the individual mind is not alien to delusions, and sometimes very dangerous delusions (which Burke demonstrated with the example of France). Tradition, in addition, is a way of communication between generations, a means of accumulating positive experience. The tradition is transformed in a series of generations, each of which tests the effectiveness of its norms in practice.

Thirdly, E. Burke points out that the revolutionary method of development is characterized by the destruction of continuity between different stages, the destruction of old forms of life for the sake of realizing an abstract ideal. E. Burke contrasts the revolution with evolution, which he calls "slow progress". Conservatism, the English thinker emphasizes, does not reject changes as such, but from the point of view of conservatism, they are possible only when they are practically necessary. "Slow progress" implies continuity - borrowing all the best from the previous stage, separate reforms, etc. The criterion for the progressiveness of changes for a conservative is practice, and not the degree of closeness to an abstract ideal (as for a revolutionary). Loyalty to traditions is exactly the anchor that does not allow society and the state to slip into abstract revolutionary experiments.

Fourthly, E. Burke believes that revolutionaries mistakenly identify equality and justice, calling for maximum equality as a natural state of affairs. For a conservative, writes E. Burke, it is obvious that society is impossible without a hierarchy. The natural order of things, according to Burke, is not absolute equality, but a hierarchy, where each person takes his rightful place in accordance with his abilities, energy, will, capital and origin. People are not equal by nature: to equalize them means to give one (worst of people) what they do not deserve, and take away from others (the best) what is rightfully theirs.

Fifthly, from the point of view of a revolutionary, freedom is a non-historical and universal value, to which all people and nations aspire at all times, regardless of the level of development and cultural traditions. E. Burke believes this approach is wrong. Freedom, in his opinion, is not some kind of absolute ideal, but a historical state, suitable for some peoples at some times, and not suitable (or even harmful) for other peoples in other eras.

Finally, sixthly, E. Burke blames the revolutionaries for their contempt for state power as a threat to freedom. For E. Burke, the state is the guarantor of freedom within the legal framework. The state is the bearer of tradition, the spokesman of the collective mind of the people. The state must have the power of coercion in order to be able to stop the aspirations of individuals and groups to change the existing order of things. Conservatives have respect for state institutions that stabilize society and suppress "maladaptive elements."

Thus, the stated postulates formed the basis of conservatism. Conservatism proved to be extremely flexible (despite its name). The specific content of conservative theories changed, the specific practical political programs of the conservatives were constantly rewritten, but the conservative approach to understanding social and political problems remained the same and was based on the ideas of E. Burke. These ideas revealed one important advantage - their ideological, and not concrete political nature. Conservatism, which has changed significantly, still remains an influential socio-political trend.

In conclusion, it is necessary to warn against mixing (and even more so identifying) refined modernized (if you like - "bourgeois") Western conservatism with medieval and (or) Asian traditionalism.