Chapter 1 Russian-French Relations in 1789-1797 28
§one. The foreign policy situation of Russia and France on the eve and at the beginning of the French Revolution. 28
§2. Preparation and beginning of the armed intervention in France. Rupture of Russian-French relations. 42
§3. Armed intervention of European states in France (1793-1796). 58-
§4. Russian-French peace negotiations at the beginning of the reign of Paul I (1796-1797). 68
Chapter 2 Russia's participation in the war of the second anti-French coalition. 99-
§one. French expansion to the Middle East. Creation of the second anti-French coalition (1797-1799). 99
§2. Russia's relationship with the Order of Malta and Russian-English contradictions. 121
§3. The collapse of the coalition. 128
Chapter 3 Peace negotiations between Russia and France (1800-1801). 143
§one. The foreign policy situation of Russia and France on the eve of peace negotiations (1800). 143
§2. Negotiations between Russia and France in 1800 154
§3. Preparing Russia for war with England. 165
Introduction to the thesis (part of the abstract) on the topic "Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries"
The relevance of the dissertation research topic is determined by the importance of studying the history of international relations, as well as Russian-French relations in the era of the Great French Revolution and the subsequent Napoleonic wars.
The struggle of Russia and France for spheres of influence in Germany, Italy, the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the active diplomatic and military participation of St. Petersburg in the first and second anti-French coalitions and the subsequent reconciliation with Paris are of considerable interest to researchers of the history of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire, the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars.
Russia occupied a special position during the confrontation between the European powers and the French Republic. Having no common border with France, and therefore without fear of invasion of its territory, she could afford to maintain a "free hand policy" in this European conflict. Possessing a huge army and inexhaustible resources, Russia could have a significant impact on the course of hostilities with France. Playing on the contradictions of the parties, the St. Petersburg court pursued a foreign policy aimed at strengthening its position in Germany, Italy, and the Balkans.
The wars of conquest waged by France in the days of the Convention, the Directory, the Consulate, and the attitude towards them by absolutist Russia, the attempts of St. Petersburg to limit the spread of the revolution by military and diplomatic measures are among the events that received sufficient attention in Soviet and Russian historiography.
At the same time, researchers of this period focused mainly on the diplomatic and military activities of Catherine II and Alexander I, devoting to them both general works on the history of Russian foreign policy in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and works related to the foreign policy actions of these monarchs. .
The reign of Emperor Paul I is "lost" between the reigns of his mother and son. Historians paid attention to this period of Russian history either as an episode that marked the beginning of relations between the Russian Empire and Napoleonic France, or as a background against which the events of the first war between Russia and France in 1799 took place. diplomatic experience of Catherine's reign, and the main aspects of his foreign policy will be borrowed by Alexander I and will influence his subsequent relations with France.
During this period of time, the Russian Empire was an absolute monarchy, and the importance of the emperor in making foreign policy decisions was decisive. It was the subjective aspirations of the Russian monarchs that formed the main directions of the foreign policy of the state. Consequently, the role of the king's personality in making key decisions in this area seems to be an important factor in the analysis of the international policy of the empire.
Thus, the study of foreign policy and diplomatic activities of the Russian Empire during the reign of Emperor Paul I in the context of relations with France in the late 18th - early 19th centuries is, on the one hand, an insufficiently studied period in relations with this European state in this period of time, and on the other hand, the other is an intermediate stage in Russian-French relations during the Great French Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate.
The object of the dissertation research is international relations in Europe in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
The subject of the study is the foreign policy, diplomatic and military relations between the Russian Empire and France in the specified period. I
The purpose of the study is to analyze Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries, starting from attempts to establish diplomatic contacts with revolutionary France, as was the case at the end of the reign of Catherine II, at the beginning and end of the reign of Paul I, as well as at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I, and ending with a period of open military confrontation between Russia and France in the middle of the reign of Pavel Petrovich.
The goal we have defined is achieved by solving the following tasks:
1) Analyze Russian-French relations of the late 18th - early 19th centuries through the prism of diplomatic negotiations between absolutist Russia and bourgeois France in 1797-1798. and in 1800-1801.
2) To trace the causes and stages of the formation of the second anti-French coalition, to consider the diplomatic and political aspects of relations between Russia, on the one hand, and a number of European states (Austria, Great Britain, the Kingdom of Naples, Prussia, Turkey and France) on the other - in the period preceding the creation second anti-French coalition, as well as identify the main causes of disagreement between the allies.
3) To give an analysis of the influence of Emperor Paul I on the formation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in relation to both France and the European powers.
4) Analyze the factors that led to the rapprochement between Russia and Napoleon, consider the reasons that prevent the conclusion of the Russian-French alliance and analyze the significance of this alliance with France.
Methodological basis of the work. When considering Russian-French relations in 1789-1801, as well as the stages of the formation of the second anti-French coalition and steps to normalize relations with Napoleonic France, we were guided by the principles of historicism and scientific objectivity, trying to present in the work an analysis of historical facts and phenomena. The study of the activities of participants in international relations of that time is given in the interaction of their foreign and domestic policies.
In addition, we used the prosopographic method. Despite the absolutist nature of Russian power in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, Emperor Paul I was influenced or influenced by his entourage. In the foreign policy activities of Paul I, these people played a fairly significant role.
The chronological framework for the study of Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries is limited to the period from the beginning of the Great French Revolution to the signing of the Russian-French peace treaty on October 8, 1801. We chose the date of 1789 as the initial one due to the fact that the revolution in France marked a qualitatively new stage not only in the international relations of European states, but also in contacts between St. Petersburg and Paris, leading to a deterioration and then to a break in diplomatic relations between the two states. The choice of the final date is associated with the signing of a peace treaty that completed the Russian-French negotiations in Paris and allowed for a time to normalize relations between the two states.
In our opinion, the choice of this particular period will make it possible to study more deeply the origins of Russian-French contradictions, which resulted in numerous wars of 1799, 1805-1807, the war of 1812 and ended with the entry of Russian troops into Paris in 1814.
The scientific and practical significance of the dissertation makes it possible to use its materials and conclusions in the process of studying and teaching the history of diplomacy and international relations of the era of the Great French Revolution, the Consulate and the Empire, as well as the foreign policy of Russia in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
Provisions for defense:
1) It is proved that the Russian-French peace negotiations in 1797 and in 1800-1801. showed the existence of territorial disagreements between St. Petersburg and Paris in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the Balkans, in Germany, which was an obstacle to the conclusion of a peace treaty.
2) It is proved that the creation of the second anti-French coalition was due to the territorial expansion of the French Republic, while the reasons for its collapse were rooted in the inconsistency of the actions of the participating countries, as well as the existence of unresolved territorial disputes in key regions of Europe.
3) The influence of Emperor Paul I on the formation of Russia's foreign policy regarding both France and the European powers is demonstrated. At the same time, it was argued that this influence was not of an impulsive nature, but was thought out and proceeded from the interests of the Russian Empire.
4) It is substantiated that the rapprochement between Russia and France was determined by the contradictions that existed in the ranks of the coalition, and the desire of a certain part of the political circles both in Russia and in France to normalize political and trade relations. It was demonstrated that the conclusion of the Russian-French peace treaty allowed the Russian Empire to remain neutral in the Anglo-French confrontation, without binding itself to England or France.
Sources. While working on the dissertation research, we used significant documentary material, which can be divided into unpublished (archival) and published.
The archival and published materials used in the work are divided into the following types: diplomatic correspondence graded into external and internal, political journalism and documents of personal origin, autobiographies, diaries, memoirs.
To work on the dissertation, we used the funds of the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia), the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA).
The internal diplomatic correspondence includes nominal rescripts and decrees of the emperor to the ambassadors and their reports to Paul I, as well as the correspondence of the ambassadors with each other on foreign policy issues.
The diplomatic correspondence of the Russian emperor with his ambassadors at the Vienna, London and Berlin courts is concentrated in the following funds of the AVPRI of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: "Relations between Russia and Austria", "Relations between Russia and England" and "Relations between Russia and Prussia"1. Their value lies in highlighting the position of Russia during the Russian-French negotiations in Berlin in 1797; in the evolution of the king's attitude towards them. In addition, the funds contain information about the stages of the creation of the second anti-French coalition, as well as data on Russia's relations with its allied powers during the war against France.
In addition, the RGADA in the Vorontsovs2 fund, as well as in the GARF in the Bode-Kolychevs3 fund, contain the correspondence of Paul I with Russian diplomats S.R. Vorontsov and N.P. Panin concerning the preparations for the creation of a second anti-French coalition, as well as a letter from the Russian ambassador to Austria, S.A. Kolychev to the tsar regarding the deterioration of Russian-Austrian relations in 1800.
As for the correspondence of Russian diplomats with each other, the Vorontsovs (RGADA) fund contains letters from F.V. Rostopchina S.R. Vorontsov and Vorontsova N.P. Panin, which contain information about Russia's relations with England and Austria during the creation of the anti-French coalition. In GARF in the Bode-Kolychev and M.M. Alopeus”4 are concentrated letters of the Russian ambassador in Vienna S.A. Kolychev to Rostopchin, Vorontsov, Panin, as well as excerpts from the reports of the Russian ambassador in Berlin A.I. Krudener.
External diplomatic correspondence of Russian ambassadors with foreign diplomats is presented by S.R. Vorontsov to the British Minister of Foreign Affairs W. Grenville on the terms of an agreement between the allied states for the struggle for the restoration of the European order. In addition, the correspondence of the Russian ambassador in Vienna S.A. Kolychev with the Austrian ambassador to Russia L. Kobenzel, concerning the relationship between the two empires.
An important place among the published materials is occupied by collections of documents of a diplomatic nature: “Diplomatic relations between Russia and France in the era of Napoleon”, published by A. Trachevsky in the 70th volume of the “Collection of the Russian Historical Society”; "Literary heritage" (letters from I.M. Simolin to Catherine II and I.A. Osterman); “Materials for the biography of Count N.P. Panin"; Collection "Under the banner of Russia"; “Collection of treatises and conventions concluded by Russia with foreign powers”, compiled by F.F. Martens; "Foreign policy of Russia XIX - early XX"5, which contain materials describing the relationship between Russia and France at the indicated time.
A significant number of documents on Russia's relations with the Order of Malta and showing the importance of Malta in Russia's foreign policy plans are contained in the ninth volume of the RIO6 Collection.
Internal diplomatic correspondence. This category of documents includes the command of Paul I S.A. Kolychev, who is leaving for Paris for peace negotiations, a note from Count F.V. Rostopchin, addressed to Paul I and depicting the political situation in Russia by 1800, as well as the correspondence of S.R. Vorontsova with F.V. Rostopchin, dedicated to the formation of the second anti-French coalition.
Autobiographies, diaries, documents of personal origin, memoirs. These sources include: a note by Empress Catherine II on measures against revolutionary France, as well as a note by Count A.I. Ribopierre on the importance of the island of Malta in Russian politics; autobiography of Count S.R. Vorontsov, describing his activities as the Russian ambassador to England to prevent a military conflict between the two states; diary of Catherine II's secretary A.B. Khrapovitsky, which shows the reaction of Catherine II to the initial events of the French Revolution: the establishment of the republic, the execution of the king, etc., as well as the memoirs of Count F. Golovkin, Russia's envoy in Naples; memoirs of Abbot Georgel, envoy of the Order of Malta in Russia, who arrived there on the occasion of the election of Paul I as Grand Master of this order; head of foreign policy of France Sh.M. Talleyrand; Prince A. Czartoryzhsky, Russian envoy to Sardinia9.
Thus, the study of the available source base allows us to recreate a picture of Russian-French relations from 1789 to 1801 and analyze them.
Historiography of the problem. Russian-French relations during this period attracted the attention of both domestic and foreign researchers.
Pre-revolutionary Russian historiography, which studies the foreign policy history of Russia in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, studied mainly the military and diplomatic activities of the Russian monarchs. The revolution in France, the subsequent wars of conquest and the redrawing of borders, the coup d'etat of 18 Brumaire were analyzed by Russian historians in the context of the destruction of the existing system of international relations, one of the guarantors of which was St. Petersburg. An attempt to establish allied relations between Paul I and Napoleon after breaking off relations with allies in the coalition demonstrated, in their opinion, the unsystematic and chaotic nature of Pavlovian rule.
General works.
Among the works of a generalizing nature devoted to Russian-French relations, it is worth highlighting the well-documented monograph by D.A. Milyutin "History of the war of 1799 between Russia and France in the reign of Emperor Paul I". It contains a large amount of archival materials illustrating the process of creating a second anti-French coalition, and also shows diplomatic preparations for the war of 179910.
Articles by A.K. Dzhivegelov, published in the anniversary collection "Patriotic War and Russian Society", published by the publishing house I.D. Sytin in 191111. In them, the author analyzed the internal political changes in France and their impact on the activation of the foreign policy of the state.
Among the works related to the relationship between Russia and the Order of Malta, it is worth mentioning the study of I.K. Antoshevsky. The value of this work lies in the documents published in it on the activities of the Order in Russia12.
Works devoted to Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
A number of special works on the history of Russian-French relations during the Napoleonic Wars were written by A.G. Trachevsky13 and V. Timiryazev14 in the 1990s during the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance.
The works of A.G. Trachevsky dedicated to Russian-French relations during the years of the French Revolution and the Consulate of 1793-1802. In them, he analyzes the development of relations between the two countries, in general outlines the diplomatic preparations for the war against France in 1798-1799, examines in detail the negotiations of Russian diplomats: G.-M. Sprengporten and S.A. Kolychev in Paris with Napoleon and Sh.M. Talleyrand in 1800-1801. According to the historian, the main reason for the failure of the peace talks in Paris was the expansionist aspirations of Napoleon in the Eastern Mediterranean, Germany and the Balkans, as well as the intransigence of the Russian representatives in the negotiations.
V. Timiryazev's article is devoted to Russia's attempts to conclude a peace and union treaty with France at the beginning of the reign of Paul I in 1797. During this period, the foreign policy of the emperor was characterized by the desire to maintain peace in Europe. The reasons that led to the breakdown of the negotiations, according to the author, were connected with the personality of the representative of Russia at these negotiations, Count N.P. Panin, who is opposed to rapprochement with France, as well as to the activation of the eastern policy of France: its approval in the Ionian Islands and the capture of the island of Malta.
Articles by V.N. Bochkareva15. The author demonstrates the duality of these relations, showing, on the one hand, the admiration of the representatives of the nobility for the ideas of the French Enlightenment on the eve of the Revolution, and on the other hand, the intensification of the fight against dissent in Russia after the taking of the Bastille and the execution of the king.
M.V. Klochkov and V.I. Picheta considered the foreign policy of Paul I as a prehistory to the events of 1812, emphasizing his subjective likes and dislikes16. The authors pointed to the emperor's fascination with the ideas of the Order of Malta, which, in their opinion, led Russia to war with France. The deterioration of Russia's relations with Austria and England was the main reason for the rapprochement between Paul I and Napoleon.
One of the episodes of Russian-French relations at the end of the reign of Paul I (a joint expedition to India) is the subject of an article by L. Yudin17. The author, considering the possible negative consequences of this event, associated with the difficulty of crossing the Orenburg steppes and ignorance of the features of the new theater of operations for Europeans, came to the conclusion that it was impossible to carry out this expedition at that time.
Works dedicated to Paul I.
The works devoted to the reign of Paul I, for the most part, were of a negative nature, which was associated with the rooted thesis about the impulsiveness of the emperor, the chaotic and disorderly nature of his orders. This type of research should include the work of A.G. Brikner 1st
Death of Paul I". In his work, he substantiated the theses about the madness of the emperor and his despotism. The strangeness of the sovereign's behavior extended to his foreign policy, which, according to the author, was characterized by lack of system.
Similar theses were adhered to in the monograph "Emperor Paul I" and N.K. Schilder19. Expanding the range of sources by involving in the scientific circulation the correspondence of Paul I, his nominal decrees, letters of his contemporaries, he showed that the emperor's foreign policy was unsystematic and dependent on changes in his mood and the advice of the people around him. So he explains the reason for the war with France by anger at the seizure of the island of Malta by General N. Bonaparte and the intrigues of the pro-Austrian group at court, and the sharp turn in Russia's foreign policy at the beginning of the 19th century - by anger at the allies and the subtle flattery of the First Consul.
The opposite view of the reign of the emperor was held by E.S. Shumigorsky in his work "Emperor Paul I. Life and Reign", in which he also considered the foreign policy aspects of the reign of Paul I. According to the author, a well-thought-out foreign policy of the state was formed from them, meeting the national interests of Russia and not connected with the sovereign's momentary likes and dislikes.
In general, the works of pre-revolutionary historians contain only the development of certain aspects and particular episodes of the history of Russia's relations with France, England, Austria, Prussia, Turkey and the Order of Malta and do not provide a complete and systematic coverage of these issues. Their attempts to explain the turns in Russia's foreign policy only as a feature of the emperor's personality or outside influence led to an exaggeration of these factors on the foreign policy of the state.
Soviet historiography approached the comprehension of this turbulent era from the standpoint of the materialistic theory of K. Marx. The interest of Soviet historians in the topic of Russian-French relations of that time was due to their attention to the French Revolution and subsequent changes in the international character. The image of Napoleon and what he did in feudal Europe invariably attracted the attention of Soviet historians. The Russian Empire in this period of time was considered as the initiator of the creation of anti-French coalitions. At the same time, Soviet historians sought to prove that Russia participated in hostilities against France not only because of “monarchist solidarity” and the restoration of “shattered thrones”, but also implemented foreign policy tasks to strengthen its position in Germany, the Balkans, and Italy. and the Eastern Mediterranean.
1930-40s.
General works.
This category of works should include the monograph by E.V. Tarle "Taleyrand", dedicated to the life and work of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic and the Empire21, and R. Averbukh's article "The Policy of the European Powers in 1787-1791", examining the relations between the European powers on the eve and at the beginning of the revolution in France22.
In a monographic study by S.B. Okun "History of the USSR (17961825)", dedicated to the history of Russia at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, the author, along with issues of domestic policy, analyzed the foreign policy actions of Paul I. He argued that the foreign policy of the Russian Empire under Paul was thoughtful and was not divorced from the realities of international the life of the era.
Works devoted to Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
In the works of Soviet historians P.K. Alefirenko, S. Bogoyavlensky, E.N. Burdzhalova, N.M. Lukin and A.L. Narochnitsky studied the foreign policy measures of Catherine's Russia directed against the French Revolution24. They emphasized the important role of the empress in organizing the first anti-French coalition, while focusing on the peculiarities of the foreign policy position of the empire: wars with Turkey and Sweden, the possibility of a war with the Anglo-Prussian-Dutch league, divisions of the Commonwealth, which did not allow Catherine II to take part in the intervention To France.
The article by P.C. is devoted to the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the reign of Paul I at the initial stage of his reign. Lanina25. This paper describes attempts to establish allied relations between Russia and France in 1796-1798.
An article by E.D. Verbitsky26. This article discusses the Russian-French contradictions that arose during the process of "rewarding" the German princes. On the basis of archival documents, the author speaks about the origin and development of the process of "indemnization", as well as the interest of each of the parties in strengthening their positions in Germany. 1950-60s.
General works.
Monograph E.V. Tarle "Napoleon" tells about the rise of Napoleon to power and his active foreign policy, including in relation to Russia, which led France to a series of wars on the continent27.
Among the dissertations close to the topic under study, it is worth mentioning the Ph.D. thesis of Verbitsky E.D., dedicated to the Russian
28 French relations in 1800-1803. In it, the author examines the diplomatic struggle between Russia and France, which unfolded on three "fronts" - in Italy, Germany, in the East, and took place from October 1801 (signing of the Russian-French peace treaty) until March 1803 (the resumption of the armed struggle between England and France). At the beginning of his dissertation, he generally examines the period 1799-1801, chronologically close to our topic.
The monograph by A.M. Stanislavskaya "Russian-English relations and problems of the Mediterranean 1798-1807"29 and an article by E.D. Ver
OL bitsky. The authors of these works explored a wide range of ties that have developed in the Mediterranean region between Russia, France, England, Turkey and the Kingdom of Naples. In these works, an analysis of the note by F.V. Rostopchin31 and considered the possibility of its implementation, studied the influence of Malta on the change in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire.
1970-80s.
General works.
In the monographs of Soviet historians Yu.V. Borisov "Talleyrand" and A.Z. Manfred "Napoleon Bonaparte" analyzed the biographies of Napoleon and Talleyrand, political figures who had a significant impact on the development of Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries
For the centenary of the Great French Revolution in the USSR in 1989, a collection was published dedicated to various aspects of the revolution. A number of his articles described the revolutionary expansion of France into Europe, and also gave an analysis of Catherine II's note "On measures to restore the royal government in France." In addition, it examined the fate of the emigrant corps of Prince Condé in the Russian Empire in 1789-1799. and French emigration in Russia33.
Works devoted to Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
Monograph K.E. Dzhedzhula "Russia and the Great French Bourgeois Revolution", dedicated to the development of relations between Russia and France during the revolution (1789-1794)34. In it, the author argued that Empress Catherine II was the inspirer of the first anti-French coalition and the entire policy of the Russian Empire at that time was due to fear of revolutionary expansion.
In the work of G.A. Sibireva "The Kingdom of Naples and Russia in the last quarter of the 18th century" analyzes the policy of Russia in Italy, namely in the Kingdom of Naples, and also examines the contradictions that existed between St. Petersburg, Paris and London in this key region for control over the Eastern Mediterranean35.
Works dedicated to Paul I.
In the work of N.Ya Eidelman "The Edge of the Ages", it is said about the political history of Russia in the reign of Paul I, the foreign policy aspects of the reign of this monarch are considered. The author came to the conclusion that the unsystematic foreign policy of the tsar, at first glance, was based on a foreign policy system that originated in the reign of Catherine and continued in the reign of Alexander I.
In general, the works of Soviet historians concerned the development of the social, economic, foreign policy and military aspects of Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries. At the same time, they did not touch upon such a topic as the role of Paul I in the development of the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Empire, portraying his close associates as the creators of Russia's foreign policy: A.A. Bezborodko, S.R. Vorontsova, N.P. Panina, F.V. Rostopchin and others. If such an analysis was carried out, it was only to demonstrate the tyranny of the emperor and show the unsystematic nature of his foreign policy.
Interest in the topic of Russian-French relations was preserved in the post-Soviet period, which was facilitated by the enthusiasm for the personality of Paul I, as well as the era of the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars and the figure of Napoleon. In addition, during this period, interest was shown in the Maltese issues in Russian-French and Russian-English relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
General works.
A significant help for modern researchers in the history of international relations is the multi-volume History of Foreign Policy.
3 p tics of Russia”, monograph by V.V. Degoev "Foreign policy of Russia and international systems: 1700-1918" , and "History of Diplomacy", which present data on the history of Russian-French relations from the time of the beginning of the French Revolution to the signing of the Russian-French peace treaty in 1801. In these works, a description of relations between the two countries is given in a concise form, the causes of Russian-French French conflict and explains the reasons for the change in Russian foreign policy at the end of the reign of Paul I.
This type includes the multi-volume World History and History of Europe, as well as the History of France, works that consider the French Revolution and the Napoleonic era in the context of world history40.
In October 2005, an international scientific conference "The Great French Revolution, Napoleon's Empire and Europe" dedicated to the memory of Professor V.G. Revunenkov. Within its framework, issues related to international relations in the era of the revolution and the Napoleonic Empire were considered, including the topics under study41.
Generalizing works devoted to international relations during the French Revolution include an article written by employees of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia on the basis of archival materials of the AVPRI of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs42.
In the course of writing the dissertation, we used a significant layer of material devoted to the Maltese problem, which, according to many researchers, had a significant impact on Russian foreign policy of that period43. Among this type of work, it is worth noting the Ph.D. thesis of T.N. Shaldunova, dedicated to the relationship between the Order of Malta, Russia and the Commonwealth44. The thesis presents materials relating to Russia's relations with France, and indicates the role of Malta in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire.
Works devoted to Russian-French relations in the late 18th-early 19th centuries.
The article by D.Yu. is devoted to issues related to the recognition of Louis XVIII as a legitimate pretender to the French throne. Bovyki-na45. In his article, the author shows the complex diplomatic maneuvers undertaken by Russian diplomacy to recognize Louis XVIII in this capacity by the leading European powers.
Articles by V.N. Vinogradova46, E.P. Kudryavtseva47 and the monograph by V.D. Ovchinnikov "Saint Admiral Ushakov (1745-1817)" are devoted to the Middle East policy of Russia in the studied time period, its relations with France in this direction; struggle for passage through the Straits; the success of Russian diplomacy in concluding a Russian-Turkish union treaty.
In the works of P.P. Cherkasov49 and V.N. Vinogradov50 deals with issues related to the policy of Catherine II during the French Revolution. The authors analyze the attitude of the queen to the beginning of the revolution, to the arrest of the royal family and show the consequences of this for Russian-French relations.
Two-volume monograph by O.V. Sokolov "Austerlitz. Napoleon, Russia and Europe, 1799-1805" examines the history of relations between Russia and France from the beginning of the French Revolution to the Battle of Austerlitz through the prism of relations between Paul I and the first consul Napoleon, Alexander I and Emperor Napoleon I51.
Works dedicated to Paul I.
Starting from the monograph by N.Ya. Eidelman, in Russian historiography there has been a change in attitude towards the personality of Paul I and the period of his reign, expressed in numerous reprints of pre-revolutionary studies and in editions of modern biographies of the emperor - first of all, this concerns the book by A.M. Peskov "Paul I", in which the author gives an overview of the emperor's foreign policy.
The description of the psychological portrait of Paul I is devoted to the monographs of V.F. Chizh53 and G.I. Chulkova54. In them, the authors examined the actions of the emperor, analyzing his psychological state.
Of undoubted interest for the analysis of the personality of the emperor is the article by Yu.P. Solovyov, dedicated to Paul I's enthusiasm for the ideas of chivalry and their reflection in his foreign policy actions55.
Thus, there are a significant number of works on the subject presented. At the same time, with all the value of the above monographs and studies, in our opinion, modern authors do not fully reveal the role of Emperor Paul I in the development of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire.
The theme of Russian-French relations in the era of the French Revolution, the Directory and the Consulate is represented in foreign historiography by a significant number of works.
General works.
Among them, it is worth mentioning the monographs of A. Vandal and A. Thiers56. A. Thiers in his work "History of the Consulate and the Empire" devoted a significant place to the peace initiatives of the First Consul of Napoleon in relation to the European powers: England, Austria, Prussia and Russia. He believed that the success of peace negotiations with St. Petersburg was to ensure the appeasement of Europe and the preservation of France's gains.
A. Vandal, in his multi-volume work on Russian-French relations, showed the domestic and foreign policy that France was in during the reign of Napoleon.
The following monographs should be attributed to this category of works: M. Bignon “History of France from the 18th Brumaire to the Peace of Tilsit” and the work of E. Drio “Napoleon and Europe. The Foreign Policy of the First Consul in 1800-1803”57 devoted to the foreign policy of France during the time of Napoleon.
Research by A. Olara “Political History of the French Revolution. The Origin and Development of Democracy and the Republic (1789-1804)”, P. Lacroix “Directory, Consulate and Empire”, G. Lefebvre “The French Revolution”, I. Taine “The Origin of Modern France”, as well as the works of J. Tulard are devoted to questions of how foreign and domestic policy
France during the study period.
This topic also includes the multi-volume History of the 19th Century, edited by the French historians Lavisse and Rambo59. In this work, they examine the influence exerted by France and Napoleon on Europe.
Generalizing works on the history of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars include the following works: “History and Dictionary of the Consulate and the Empire” by A. Fierro, “The French Revolution and the Napoleonic Empire: History of International Relations” by A. Fugier, “Napoleon’s Dictionary of Diplomats: History and Dictionary of the diplomatic corps of the consulate and the Empire" by J. Henri-Robert, "The Napoleonic episode: international aspects" by J. Lovier and A. Paluel, L. Murat "Bonaparte's Oriental Dream".60
In the work of the American naval theorist A.T. Mahan's "The Influence of Maritime Power on the French Revolution and Empire" examines relations between European states, examines the struggle for maritime predominance between Great Britain and France, and analyzes the actions of the Russian Empire and the member states of the Second Armed Neutrality directed against the maritime predominance of Great Britain61.
Works devoted to Russian-French relations in the late 18th - early 19th centuries.
The works of the well-known German military theorist K. Clausewitz describe military operations during the war of the second anti-French coalition, and also provide a detailed analysis of Suvorov's Swiss campaign62.
Among modern foreign researchers of Russian-French relations in the reign of Paul I, it is worth noting the monograph by K. Grunwald, dedicated to Russian-French alliances. This paper describes in general terms the prehistory of the conclusion of the Russian-French alliance in 1801.
The monographs of a number of foreign researchers are devoted to the Eastern question, which was only emerging at the turn of the 18th - 19th centuries. In them, they presented as Russia's priority foreign policy measures such actions as the "Greek project" of Catherine II65 or the negotiations of Paul I with Napoleon about a campaign in India in order to demonstrate Russia's desire for dominance in the Mediterranean.
The monograph by the American researcher Norman Saul is devoted to the Mediterranean policy of the Russian Empire in the era of wars with Republican and Napoleonic France. A significant place in this monograph is devoted to the problem of Russia's relations with Malta. The author pointed to the ideological reasons for the desire of Paul to occupy and keep the island for the empire. He argued that the motives for the action of the king was the protection of the Order of Malta and the knightly ideology that he kept66.
An article by the Turkish historian V. Kuabani 61 is devoted to Russia's relations with Turkey. He believed that, despite the military actions that Turkey, in alliance with Russia, waged against France, the interests of the Ottoman Porte required the restoration of an alliance with Paris, as with its old ally. In addition, in his opinion, Turkey sought to take one of the leading places in the concert of European powers, and an alliance with Russia prevented this.
The richly documented work of M. Poniatowski "Talleyrand and the Directory" is dedicated to the leadership of Sh.M. Talleyrand's foreign policy of France during the Directory, his activities in this post68.
Works dedicated to Paul I.
The Polish historian K. Waliszewski, in his work on the life of the Russian emperor, portrayed his foreign policy as a series of crazy projects. He believed that in his foreign policy likes and dislikes, Paul was influenced both by his inner circle, who ruled him in their own interests, and by foreign diplomats, representing the interests of their powers69.
Among the works relating to Paul I, it is worth mentioning the monographs of French historians - Marina Grey, Paul Morozy and Henri Troyes. In these works, an assessment is given of the controversial figure of the emperor and his actions in foreign and domestic policy. The authors come to the conclusion that the basis of the reign of this monarch was the fear of his eccentricity, which was experienced by the subjects of the emperor.
In general, the works of foreign historians deal with various aspects of Russia's relations with France, England, Turkey, and the Order of Malta. At the same time, in the interpretation of the events of the war of the second anti-French coalition, foreign historians do not fully cover Russia's participation in the coalition. The role of Paul I in making the main foreign policy decisions of the empire is also superficially considered. The king is portrayed as a weak-willed executor of the decisions of his favorites.
A detailed reference to the work of domestic and foreign researchers will be made in the relevant chapters of the dissertation.
Dissertation structure. The work consists of an introduction, three chapters, subdivided into paragraphs, conclusions and bibliographies.
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Dissertation conclusion on the topic "General history (of the corresponding period)", Igolkin, Ivan Yurievich
Conclusion.
The great French bourgeois revolution and subsequent wars radically changed the system of international relations that had taken shape in Europe at the end of the 18th century.
The socio-economic transformations in France, aimed at breaking down the feudal system, the destruction of the monarchy and the execution of King Louis XVI, took up arms against her throughout Europe. Created with the active financial support of England, the first anti-French coalition carried the rudiments of destruction, as it was not a strong enough association of states that sought to territorially weaken the defeated France.
After the defeats inflicted on the interventionists by the French army, the members of the coalition began to leave it one by one. England and Austria, which continued the war, tried to involve Russia in order to restore the weakened coalition.
However, the Russian Empress Catherine II, with all the rejection of the established order in France, did not take an active part in French affairs, as she was busy with wars with Turkey and Sweden, confrontation with the Triple League, as well as Polish affairs. Moreover, in 1791 she tried to use the debate in the Constituent Assembly to mobilize the French fleet in the event that the leading power of the Triple League - England - threatened the Russian Baltic coast. Up to the resolution of all foreign policy issues facing her, Catherine II limited her anti-revolutionary rhetoric to the compilation of notes on the internal political arrangement of France.
Only towards the end of her reign, the Empress, having resolved the Polish affairs, recognized the need to send her troops to France. However, during the preparation of a military expedition, she died.
The beginning of the reign of the new emperor was marked by the rejection of wars of conquest. The main reason for this step was the depletion of the financial and human resources of the empire, in addition, the sovereign and his entourage sought to return to the policy pursued by the late empress - the policy of neutrality in the Anglo-French confrontation.
The international situation favored the pursuit of this strategy. The war between Austria and France ended with the signing of the Treaty of Campoformia. Its result was the end of the war between European states and France. At the same time, he did not resolve the territorial contradictions that appeared in Europe as a result of revolutionary wars. The redistribution of spheres of influence in Germany and Italy between France and Austria, contradictions with Russia, in connection with the capture of the Ionian Islands by the French, the capture of Malta and the expedition to Egypt, the ongoing confrontation between Paris and London meant the emergence of new pretexts for a future war.
The activation of the Middle East policy of France caused alarm in the ruling circles of the Russian Empire, as this could pose a threat to the Black Sea coast of the empire. Thus, Russia's participation in the war on the side of the anti-French coalition was due not only to ideological motives (the desire to restore the overthrown Bourbon dynasty on the throne), but also to political considerations (the desire to prevent the strengthening of France in Germany, Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean).
It is worth noting that the ideological component nevertheless prevailed to a greater extent in the decision of Emperor Paul I to send his troops to the Rhine, to Italy, and the fleet to the Ionian Islands to fight the "revolutionary infection" than geopolitical considerations. At that moment, the sovereign assumed the role of the savior of the European thrones from the "revolutionary infection".
The outbreak of the war, which was supposed to save Europe from French hegemony, ended in a clash of former allies. The reason was the victories of the allied armies, which exacerbated long-standing unresolved contradictions.
The military successes of the Russian troops under the command of A.B. Suvorov in northern Italy led to a deterioration in relations between Russia and Austria. The desire of the Habsburg Empire to dominate the Apennine Peninsula came into conflict with the desire of Paul I to restore the Italian monarchs expelled by France. Disappointment in the policy of the Austrian court, which undermined the principles of legitimism, because of which Russia entered the war, as well as a clash between Russian and Austrian troops in Italy, led to St. Petersburg's withdrawal from the war.
The aggravation of relations with the London court was due to the growing naval superiority of Great Britain, expressed in the fight against neutral trade, which caused damage not only to the neutral northern European courts, but also to Russia's Baltic trade. In addition, Russia's relations with England began to deteriorate due to the right to own the island of Malta. The election of Paul I as Master of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, located on this island, actually gave control over the Eastern Mediterranean to the hands of the Russian tsar, which the British, who were striving to gain a foothold in Egypt, the Ionian Islands and Malta, could not allow. At the same time, Malta occupied in the projects of Paul 1 not only geopolitical, but also ideological significance. Standing at the head of a Catholic order with a rich military history, the Orthodox monarch dreamed of reviving chivalry to fight revolutionary ideas, expansion and atheism.
Finally, the unsuccessful Anglo-Russian expedition to Holland, which ended in the complete defeat of the allied corps, as well as the subsequent withdrawal of Russian troops, their heavy detention on the islands of Jersey and Guernsey further aggravated relations between the two allies.
Thus, the desire of the Russian emperor to put a limit by military means to the spread of French expansion ran into opposition from the allies in the coalition - Austria and
England, pursuing their own specific political goals, different from the disinterested aspirations of the Russian emperor.
The attempts of Paul I to maintain political stability in Europe by re-establishing the League of Armed Neutrality failed because of the neutral position held by Prussia.
The events of 18 Brumaire in France brought Napoleon Bonaparte to power. His actions to calm the political situation in the country, to stop the unrest, brought him sympathy not only in France, but also outside it. The Russian emperor was the first to see in the actions of the First Consul an attempt to appease and pacify the French Republic.
Napoleon, in turn, realized that for France, which was fighting England, Russia was an important ally. Relations between the two rulers at this stage were beneficial to both states. For Russia, an alliance with France was an opportunity to return to the “freedom of hands” policy successfully pursued during the reign of Catherine II. For France, this alliance meant a way out of the isolation in which the country found itself after the revolution of 1789.
Russia and France were on opposite sides of Europe and had no reason to be at enmity with each other, at the same time they had their own foreign policy goals and spheres of influence in Europe, where the contradictions between the two states were fully manifested.
It is worth noting that the process of rapprochement between the two states did not find understanding in the Russian elite. Russian diplomats were against rapprochement with France, believing that revolutionary principles had not yet been completely outlived in that country.
The discrepancy between the interests of the two countries was most clearly manifested in Germany, southern Italy and the Balkans. During the Russian-French negotiations in Paris, where the representatives of the Russian emperor meticulously and stubbornly defended his interests, these contradictions were fully expressed.
Despite the divergence of views on European problems between Russia and France, as well as the death of Paul I, who sought to reconcile with the First Consul, the conclusion of the Russian-French peace treaty and the secret articles to it took place. The signing of these documents was a success for both sides. France was recognized de jure as a power equal to European countries, and Russia, having signed a peace treaty, managed to maintain a neutral position in the Anglo-French confrontation.
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The fundamental document of relations between Russia and France is the Treaty of February 7, 1992, which consolidated the desire of both parties to develop "new relations of consent based on trust, solidarity and cooperation." Since then, the contractual and legal basis of Russian-French relations has expanded significantly - several dozen agreements have been concluded in various areas of bilateral cooperation.
Bilateral political dialogue in recent years has been intensive and confidential. Russian-French relations received a powerful new impetus as a result of a series of meetings between newly elected presidents Dmitry Medvedev and Nicolas Sarkozy. Their first meeting took place during the G8 summit in Toyako (Japan) on July 7, 2008. On August 12 and September 8, 2008, Sarkozy made short working visits to Moscow as part of efforts to resolve the crisis in the Caucasus. Dmitry Medvedev visited France to participate in an international conference on world politics on October 9, 2008 in the city of Evian and in the Russia-EU summit on November 14 in Nice.
In 2009, Dmitry Medvedev and Nicolas Sarkozy met at the G20 in London and Pittsburgh (April 2 and September 25), the G8 summit in L'Aquila (July 8-10), at the UN General Assembly session in New York (23- September 24), as well as on the sidelines of events in connection with the celebration of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall (November 9).
Since 1996, the Russian-French commission on bilateral cooperation at the level of heads of government has been operating. Within its framework, every year, alternately in Moscow and Paris, meetings are held between the Prime Minister of Russia and the Prime Minister of France, which determine the strategy and main directions for the development of relations between the two countries in trade, economic, scientific, technical, social and other fields. Since 2000, the meetings of the Commission have been held in the form of an "intergovernmental seminar" with the participation of the leaders of the most active ministries and departments in bilateral cooperation. The next XIV meeting of the Commission was held in November 2009 in Paris.
An active dialogue is maintained at the level of foreign ministers, who, in accordance with the Treaty of February 7, 1992, meet twice a year alternately in Moscow and Paris, apart from numerous contacts within various international forums.
One of the priority areas of bilateral cooperation is steadily developing - countering new threats and challenges (terrorism, international organized crime, drug trafficking, financial crimes). Since 2002, the Russian-French Security Council, established by decision of the then presidents Vladimir Putin and Jacques Chirac, has been successfully operating with the participation of the ministers of foreign affairs and defense of both countries. In October 2009, its eighth meeting took place in Moscow.
Interdepartmental cooperation is being carried out productively through the law enforcement agencies of Russia and France (the ministries of the interior and justice, special services, and higher judicial instances).
Russia and France are actively cooperating as permanent members of the UN Security Council, as well as in the OSCE and other international institutions, together with the United States they are co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Conference on the settlement of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.
Inter-parliamentary cooperation is expressed in an active delegation exchange at the level of parliamentary committees and commissions, as well as in contacts between the heads of the chambers. An effective tool for its development is the Great Russian-French Inter-Parliamentary Commission, established in 1995 and headed by the chairmen of the lower houses of the parliaments of Russia and France.
The next (fourteenth) meeting of the Commission was held in Moscow in April 2009.
France is one of Russia's priority trade and economic partners.
According to Russian statistics, France ranks eighth among European countries in terms of trade turnover. Russian-French trade is highly dynamic: for example, in 2001-2008, the trade turnover of both countries increased more than 5 times.
In 2008, the trade turnover between Russia and France amounted to $22 billion 250.2 million, including Russian exports of $12 billion 193.2 million and imports of $10 billion 057.0 million.
According to the Federal Customs Service, in 2009 the trade turnover between Russia and France reached $17.148 billion, including Russian exports of $8.723 billion and imports of $8.425 billion.
The largest commodity items of Russian export to France are mineral fuel, oil and products; products of the chemical industry; metals, products from them; wood and pulp and paper products; machines, equipment, vehicles.
The structure of imports from France to Russia is formed mainly by three commodity groups: machinery and equipment, vehicles; products of the chemical industry, including pharmaceutical and perfumery; food products and agricultural raw materials.
The cultural ties between Russia and France are very rich and have a long history. The basic intergovernmental agreement on cultural cooperation was signed on February 6, 1992.
In November 2007, at the XII meeting of the Intergovernmental Commission, a joint Statement was signed declaring 2010 the Year of Russia in France and the Year of France in Russia. The Joint Organizing Committee met regularly in France and Russia (the last time in early November 2009 in Paris), agreed and initialed the extensive Program of the Years.
The landmark events of the Years should be the exhibition “Holy Russia”, unique in its scope and quality of exhibits, in the Louvre, the tour of the Comedie Francaise, whose troupe will tour 7 cities of Russia, the celebration of Russia Day on June 12 in Paris, which will coincide with the opening of the Russian National exhibitions, a concert of French music on Vasilyevsky Spusk in Moscow (as part of the City Days on September 4-5, 2010), the exhibition "The Art of Living in French" in the Moscow Manege (October 2010). The program of the Years should be completed by a gala concert of Russian and French ballet stars at the Bolshoi Theater in December 2010.
The history of diplomatic relations between the USSR and France begins on October 28, 1924. The French Council of Ministers sent a telegram to CEC Chairman M. I. Kalinin stating that the French government was ready to “establish normal diplomatic relations with the Government of the Union through a mutual exchange of ambassadors.” The telegram stated that France recognizes de jure the government of the USSR "as the government of the territories of the former Russian Empire, where its power is recognized by the population, and as the successor in these territories of the previous Russian governments." The Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR appointed L. B. Krasin as plenipotentiary to France, leaving him in the post of People's Commissar of Foreign Trade.
The activation of Soviet-French relations took place in the mid-1930s, when an agreement on mutual assistance was signed. However, the French leadership considered such an agreement solely as a diplomatic document, not considering it necessary to supplement it with a military convention. The Western powers, and France in particular, still retained a persistent fear of the Soviet Union as an aggressor state. Trilateral political negotiations between the USSR, Great Britain and France began on April 10, 1939, but ended unsuccessfully. According to Churchill: "An obstacle to the conclusion of such an agreement was the horror that these same border states experienced before Soviet help in the form of Soviet armies that could pass through their territories in order to protect them from the Germans and simultaneously include them in the Soviet-communist system. After all, they were the most violent opponents of this system. Poland, Romania, Finland and the three Baltic states did not know what they were more afraid of - German aggression or Russian salvation. It was the need to make such a terrible choice that paralyzed the politics of England and France. "
During the post-war years, relations between the USSR and France were subject to serious fluctuations: from close cooperation during the period of detente in the 60s and 70s to the almost complete dismantling of political relations after the socialist government came to power in France in 1981. The stumbling block in the development of Soviet-French relations at that time was the issue of French nuclear weapons, which the Soviet leadership unsuccessfully tried to make the subject of multilateral discussion in order to include them in the reduction process.
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Introduction
International economic relations (IER) are carried out mainly through the participation of their subjects in the international division of labor. The implementation of the IER is also influenced by political, socio-economic, legal and other factors.
The mechanism for the implementation of international economic relations at the macro level includes organizational, legal norms and tools for their implementation (international economic treaties and agreements, international trade organizations, etc.), the relevant activities of international economic organizations aimed at achieving the goals of the coordinated development of international economic relations.
International practice shows that modern international economic relations require significant, permanent supranational, interstate regulation.
Relations between Russia and France remain an important factor in European and world politics. This determines the relevance of the topic of this course work.
French-Russian relations have a very long history. In the middle of the 11th century, Anna, the daughter of Yaroslav the Wise, became queen of France by marrying Henry I, and after his death, becoming regent under his son, the future king of France, Philip I, she ruled France.
In 1717, Peter I signed a decree on the establishment of the first Russian embassy in France, which was the beginning of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Since then, France has consistently remained one of Russia's main European partners.
The culminating point of cooperation was the creation of a military-political alliance at the end of the 19th century. The Pont Alexandre III, built in Paris, became a symbol of friendly relations. The first stone in the construction of this bridge, in 1896, was invested by Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna.
The modern history of relations between Russia and France begins on October 28, 1924, from the date of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and France.
The agreement signed on February 7, 1992 between Russia and France confirmed the desire of both countries to develop "concerted actions based on trust, solidarity and cooperation." Over the past 10 years, the contractual base between the two countries has been supplemented by more than 70 agreements and protocols relating to various areas of cooperation between Russia and France.
The political dialogue between Moscow and Paris is constantly active. In October-November 2000, President Putin's first official visit to France took place.
The agreements concluded during this visit confirmed the importance of cooperation between Russia and France in world politics. On December 18, 2000, Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Mikhail Kasyanov visited France. President Chirac made an official visit to Russia from 1 to 3 July 2001, during which he visited St. Petersburg, Moscow and Samara. Conversations between Jacques Chirac and Vladimir Putin contributed to the adoption of a joint declaration on strategic stability. A new agreement on air traffic and an additional agreement on cooperation in helping enterprises were signed.
Thus, the purpose of this work is to analyze the state and forecast of economic relations between Russia and France.
Chapter1. Analysis of the state of economic relations betweenRussia and France
For a long time, relations between Chirac and Putin were overshadowed by the fact that the French side repeatedly criticized Russian actions in Chechnya, but after the start of the American operation in Iraq, Chechen problems faded into the background, and relations between the heads of the two states improved significantly.
At a press conference, President Putin noted that we had no chill in relations between Russia and France. “Yes, we had certain differences in positions, yes, we had different assessments of some problems, and in particular the development of the situation in the North Caucasus in the Chechen Republic, but this does not mean that we had a chill. We continued active contacts, on many issues we closely cooperated in the international arena, this is the Iraqi settlement, this is strategic stability, this is support for the ABM treaty, and so on.
At the same time, it can be said with certainty that this active dialogue, which has always characterized Russian-French relations, is reaching a new level. To a new level, which will be characterized by even greater trust, such an even greater constructive atmosphere - this is precisely the nature of relations that was set by the negotiations between our presidents.
According to the assessment and leadership of the European Union, the EU Russia summit gave quite concrete results on the further development of cooperation.
Thus, as a result of negotiations, the EU, in addition to purely psychological support and resolution of energy disputes, decided to raise Russia's credit rating, which reflects the level of third-party confidence in the solvency of the state. In addition, the Russians managed to achieve the final lifting of sanctions from the program of scientific and technical cooperation with the EU. It can be said that Russia not only pacified Western Europe and achieved a significant breakthrough in relations, but also provided itself with profitable financial and economic agreements.
Relations between Russia and France remain an important factor in European and world politics. On most key issues of our time, the approaches of Russia and France coincide or are very close. This is based on the commitment of Russia and France to a multipolar world order based on democratic principles, the strengthening of the international legal order and the central role of the UN.
At present, Russian-French relations are on the rise. Relations actively developed both in the sphere of economy and in the sphere of politics. Both states consider it important to build trust between Russia and the EU in general and France in particular.
Russia remains a great world power. It is a country that would like to contribute to the cause of international stability, that wants to take part in the struggle for peace, and therefore it is the main partner for the European Union.
The leadership of both countries attaches great importance to the strengthening and development of partnership relations between Russia and France. The state and prospects of Russian-French cooperation are considered from this angle. At the same time, international politicians give a high assessment to the interaction of the two countries on a number of topical international problems, including the preservation of strategic stability and the settlement of regional conflicts.
We can already say that a new stage has begun in relations between Russia and France. They look at Russia in a completely new way. For example, in the Chechen issue, French politicians do not criticize the actions of the Russian military in Chechnya so vehemently. On many other foreign policy issues, the positions of Moscow and Paris now coincide. In the Middle East, both Russia and France opposed the overthrow of Yasser Arafat's regime in Palestine. Both countries opposed the strike on Iraq. There is a tandem of two strong states, nuclear powers, whose opinion no one can disregard now.
The role of France in world politics is traditionally very high. At the same time, in her opinion, Russia is rapidly restoring its place in the world. The place of a great nation is true both economically and politically. Russia has already finally confirmed its place in the G8 and is actively cooperating with the European Union and NATO.
The Russian side attaches great importance to the concept of forming a single European economic space with the participation of Russia and the European Union.
A characteristic feature of the development of relations between Russia and France is the ever-wider involvement of civil societies in international affairs. The Russian side expects that France, as one of the leaders of a united Europe, will positively influence the strengthening of ties between Russia and the EU.
At the same time, there are intentions of Moscow and Paris to create a public council for the development of Russian-French relations, which should be a logical continuation of everything that has been done recently.
Both countries are engaged in a "very frank and direct" dialogue on issues directly related to the problems of global security and, above all, in the fight against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Recently, cooperation in the military-technical sphere has been developed. In particular, within the framework of military-technical cooperation, Moscow is in favor of signing an intergovernmental agreement on the mutual protection of rights to the results of intellectual activity within the framework of cooperation as soon as possible.
According to France, it is necessary to strengthen relations between France and Russia. This is facilitated by multi-level negotiations that affect bilateral relations, technical relations, relations between people and within international organizations such as NATO and the EU, as well as a joint analysis of the situation in the world in the light of the joint actions that have been taken in Afghanistan and Kosovo, etc. .d. economic cooperation france russia
The situation in the sphere of trade is also leveling off. The trade turnover between Russia and France exceeded 3.5 billion dollars. Among the largest investors, France is now, after all, in fourth place, behind Russia's historical trading partners - Great Britain, the USA and Germany. During the talks, it turned out that many promising industries are ready for cooperation - energy, space industry. For example, negotiations are underway to use French spaceports, including Kourou, to launch Russian Soyuz rockets. There is also the aircraft industry - Russia and France are developing a new MiG aircraft.
As for the benefits and prospects that cooperation between Russia and France in the aerospace sector opens up for the Progress plant, they are obvious. Especially if the Soyuz launch vehicle, which are produced here, will take off in the near future from the Kourou cosmodrome in French Guiana. Then cooperation between France and Russia in the space sector will reach a new level.
It should also be noted that Russia and France have already established cooperation within the framework of the personnel exchange program. Already this year, cooperation between the navies of both states will increase. In addition, there are a number of plans in the field of military-technical cooperation, which has as its ultimate goal the release of joint products to third countries.
In 2003, interaction between France and Russia reached a new level, and additional opportunities for cooperation appeared both on the international arena and bilaterally. The holding in 2003 of the exhibition "FranceTech in Russia 2003" provided an opportunity for representatives of Russian companies to get to know French enterprises that already export to Russia or have their offices here, as well as to acquaint specialists with French know-how in the field of technology, regions, universities and research institutions that want to establish relationships with potential partners in Russia.
At the press conference dedicated to the opening of the exhibition, it was noted that over the past three years, interest in the Russian market and its prospects on the part of French enterprises has been steadily growing. More than 3,800 enterprises export their products to Russia, and more than 400 of them, operating in various sectors of the economy, already have their offices here.
According to the French organizers of the exhibition, recently the intensity of Russian-French trade relations has increased significantly. Thus, French exports to Russia increased by 9.4% in the first six months of 2003 to 1 billion 234 million euros, while French imports from Russia grew by 15.6% over the same period to 3 billion 33 million. euro .
According to France, the exhibition will continue a number of important events that "marked the intensification of economic relations between Russia and France." Thus, a session of the Russian-French Council for Economic, Financial, Industrial and Trade Issues was held in Moscow. At the same time, optoelectronics, biotechnologies and nanotechnologies are considered the most important priorities of Russian-French cooperation in the field of the new economy.
September 2003 was marked by a particularly intensive development of economic relations between Russia and France and was marked by two events: a session of the Russian-French Economic, Financial, Industrial and Trade Council (CEFIC) and an Intergovernmental Seminar.
The 11th session of CEFIC was held in Moscow on September 26, it touched upon various aspects of business relations, in particular, legal aspects and taxation, and discussed some of the most important projects of bilateral economic relations.
The conference "Business in Russia" took place in Paris - a landmark event in the development of business relations between Russia and France. The Conference was organized by the General Confederation of Small and Medium Enterprises of France (CGPME) and the Center for Franco-Russian Trade. Among the members of OPORA RUSSIA, this initiative of a meeting of entrepreneurs from both countries in Paris met with the most active support.
The conference has become a truly bright and eventful event. The participants discussed both the issues of the general functioning of the Russian market and the topics of a private focus: on the development of innovative Russian-French entrepreneurship, related to financing, licensing and other areas of activity of small and medium-sized enterprises in Russia. During the meeting of entrepreneurs from both countries, its participants exchanged practical experience of their activities, as well as wishes to establish close partnerships between the business communities of both countries.
In recent years, relations between Russia and France have not only acquired a certain intensity, they have changed their quality.
The most important thing here is to increase trust between the two countries. This happens because the views of states on a number of key issues, not only on the bilateral agenda, but also on international relations, practically coincide. And the most important thing in this is common approaches to building future security in the world, adherence to the norms of international law and the key role of the United Nations. As an element of trust, it is planned to hold small, but very demonstrative naval joint exercises in the Norwegian Sea. This is a practical step in building a global security system based on the principle of a multipolar world.
Russia is looking for its place in the changing world. And the position of France, the support of France in the course of these processes, is extremely important for her.
Discussion of Russia's ties with the European Union has become traditional in relations between Russia and France. We are talking, in particular, about the implementation of the decisions of the St. Petersburg and Rome Russia-EU summits, about how the formation of four “common spaces” (the common European economic space, the common space in the field of security and justice, in the field of external security) is proceeding in practice. , including the fight against terrorism, as well as a single space for scientific research and education - "IF").
Russia supports the intention of Paris to play the most active role in this matter - using the example of bilateral Russian-French agreements, primarily related to the freedom of movement of citizens, to show what interstate relations within the borders of "Greater Europe" can and should become in the 21st century.
The closeness of the political positions of the two states is not accidental: it is due to the commitment of Russia and France to the multipolar model of the world order, in which the central role belongs to the United Nations and its Security Council as the main guarantor and instrument of maintaining international security and stability. It is from this point of view that other important topics will be discussed - the fight against terrorism, the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, various aspects of globalization, and so on.
The heads of the foreign ministries of the two countries will discuss the preparations for the third meeting of the Russian-French Council for Security Cooperation with the participation of the foreign and defense ministers, which is scheduled to be held on March 5 this year. in Paris. In bilateral cooperation, interaction between Russia and France in the aerospace field is of particular relevance. The high potential of partnership in this area is confirmed by the successful implementation of a number of joint projects (the launch of Russian launch vehicles from the Kourou cosmodrome, etc.).
Russia is interested in growing economic ties with France, increasing mutual trade, and increasing the volume of French investment in the Russian economy. Today France occupies the 7th place among European countries in terms of trade turnover and 6th in terms of accumulated investments does not correspond to the potential opportunities of Russian-French cooperation in this area.
There are encouraging signs of growing interest in the French business presence in the Russian market. This is especially noticeable in the mood of the French side to develop an energy dialogue with the Russian Federation, to cooperate more closely in matters of energy conservation and renewable energy sources.
The demonstration of the secret space center in Krasnoznamensk to Jacques Chirac was a manifestation of trusting relations between Russia and France. He became the first head of a Western state to be shown the top-secret Main Center for Testing and Control of Space Assets (GICIU) in Krasnoznamensk near Moscow.
This center provides communication and control of the entire Russian orbital constellation, which currently has 130 satellites. The Center includes 11 command and measurement complexes located throughout Russia.
In Western diplomatic circles, the French President's visit to a top-secret facility of strategic importance is seen as evidence that relations between Russia and France are improving, writes AFP.
In addition, within the framework of bilateral Franco-Russian cooperation, from December 2006 it is planned to start launching Russian Soyuz launch vehicles from the Kourou cosmodrome in French Guiana. Russia supports the French proposal to convene a number of international forums on questions of a comprehensive system of international security. Russia is ready to develop energy relations with Europe and is in favor of strengthening cooperation between the two countries in aviation construction. In addition, the presidents of Russia and France talk about the ABM treaty in great detail and detail.
Providing export deliveries for about a quarter of Europe's needs for natural gas, Russia is the largest supplier of this type of energy carriers to European countries.
90% of the gas consumed in France is provided by import purchases under long-term contracts and own production. The share of Russian natural gas is approximately 25% of these volumes. Thus, Russia is one of the leading suppliers of "blue fuel" to France. Natural gas plays an important role in economic relations between Russia and France: its supplies account for 20-30% of foreign trade between the two countries.
Cooperation between OAO Gazprom and Gaz de France in the field of gas supply began in 1976. During this time, Gazprom and its subsidiary LLC Gazexport supplied Gaz de France with more than 225 billion cubic meters. m of natural gas under long-term contracts.
Currently, Gaz de France buys 12 billion cubic meters from Gazexport LLC. m of gas per year:
4 billion cubic meters m. of natural gas enter the delivery point in Baumgarten, on the border between Austria and Slovakia. These deliveries are made under two contracts signed in 1975, which expire in 2012;
8 billion cubic meters m. come to Waidhaus, on the border between Germany and the Czech Republic, under a contract concluded in 1983 with a validity period until 2008.
In April 2003, Gazprom and Gaz de France signed a new supply agreement. In accordance with this document, the operation of the main export contract, which provides for the annual supply of Russian gas "Gaz de France" in the amount of 8 billion cubic meters. m., is extended for 7 years until 2015 inclusive. Taking into account the extended contract, the annual total volume of Russian gas exports to France will remain at the level of 12 billion cubic meters. m.
Since natural gas in Europe and, in particular, in France, finds more and more new areas of application, and Russia has huge reserves of this type of energy, the areas of cooperation between Gazprom and Gaz de France are expanding every year.
In particular, the companies signed several documents relating to cooperation in the field of science, technology, finance, economics and personnel training. In recent years, joint projects have been implemented in the field of energy saving, operation and reconstruction of gas transmission networks, as well as research in the field of underground gas storage.
Gazprom and Gaz de France are co-founders of the F.R.A.GAZ trading house, which sells natural gas and supplies equipment. In 2002, a consortium consisting of OAO Gazprom, GazdeFrance and the German company Ruhrgas won a tender to acquire a 49% stake in the Slovak gas company SPP.
Gazprom and Gaz de France take an active part in the development of cultural ties between Russia and France. An integral part of the celebrations dedicated to the 25th anniversary of Russian gas supplies to France in 2000 was the unique art and history exhibition “Great Emperors of Europe: Napoleon I and Alexander I”, organized with the support of the two companies.
As part of the celebration of the 300th anniversary of St. Petersburg, Gazprom and GazdeFrance, together with the Mayor's Office of Paris and the French Association for Artistic Action, present a retrospective exhibition of Nicolas de Stael, one of the greatest French artists of the 20th century, which will be held at the State Hermitage Museum from May 12 to August 17, 2003.
Europe, trying to solve its energy problems, has shown an increased interest in discussing guaranteed ways to supply Russian gas. Negotiations developed in this direction.
Thus, Europeans, on the one hand, are not satisfied with the prices at which Russia sells its raw materials, and on the other hand, the gas pipeline through the territory is not able to meet Europe's needs for energy resources. For its part, Russia wants to keep reliable and profitable payers represented by the EU countries. Hence the possibility of negotiating consensus.
In 2002, the French partners got acquainted with the largest gas producing enterprise in Western Siberia, Urengoygazprom LLC. This is a presentation visit for the political and business circles of France, which fully reflected the activities of the potential partner Urengoygazprom LLC.
Gazprom, the largest supplier of Russian gas to many countries of the world, has implemented a joint project with TotalFinaElf in Iran. The French partners of Gazprom assess the activities of the gas concern at a very high level and express hope for further cooperation. Mr. Pernet stressed that Gazprom is a reliable and promising partner with significant authority in the global gas community.
Industrialists from France are interested in expanding their own business in Russia; in the near future, together with Gazprom, the French company will participate in the development of the Shtokman field in the Barents Sea. French businessmen would take an active part in the implementation of promising projects with Urengoygazprom LLC, since they highly and realistically assess the gas production capacity of the enterprise, the scale of production, development prospects, and working conditions.
Economic relations between Russia and France are at a high level. After this trip, additional impulses appeared for the implementation of joint projects, mutual investments, and long-term cooperation. At the same time, the issue of joint participation with Russia in the development of world energy is always central at summit meetings.
Trade relations between Russia and France are on the rise: growth over the past year amounted to 20 percent. In the foreign trade turnover of the subjects of the Federation of the Siberian Federal District, the share of France in 2004 was 2.1 percent, or 467.9 million US dollars. Trade turnover increased by 13 percent.
At the same time, last year the value of exports to France decreased by 15 percent, while imports more than doubled. Russia supplies France with products of inorganic chemistry (in 2004 worth $228 million), as well as wood and wood products, mineral fuels, and oil (10 percent of the value of all exports to France).
In turn, France also supplies Russia with products of inorganic chemistry, and although these deliveries increased by 22 times last year, their share and price are not high - 9 percent. Over the last 10 months of 2005, trade increased by 20%.
In addition, the volume of French investments in Russian business has increased, which has led to the creation of new jobs for Russians, in particular in the development of regional air transportation. Russia is a priority in France's international policy, Franco-Russian relations are a dialogue based on real closeness on the most important problems of world politics - on regional crises, on Iraq, on environmental problems. At the same time, relations between Russia and France should not be limited to politics, there should be relations between societies, between people, between cultures.
Chapter2. Russian-French cooperation in the field of culture
In 2003, Russian-French cooperation in the field of culture - one of the most important links in relations between Russia and France - continued to develop dynamically. The traditionally close ties between Russian and French partners, including at the level of local and regional authorities, public foundations and non-governmental organizations, contributed to the expansion of cultural cooperation.
A highlight was the VIth Festival of Russian Art in Cannes - a unique large-scale state project of Russia in the field of culture in France. The program of the Festival was rich in content, including various genres of fine, musical, plastic and cinematographic art. In 2003, the Mayor's Office of Cannes joined the sponsors of the festival - the Russian Cultural Foundation and the Ministry of Culture of Russia.
For four days, the State Russian Folk Choir named after V.I. M.E. Pyatnitsky (director - artistic director A. Permyakova), the New Russia Symphony Orchestra (artistic director and conductor Yu. Bashmet, soloist - V. Tretyakov). The St. Petersburg State Academic Ballet Theater (headed by B. Eifman) showed the ballets Russian Hamlet and Tchaikovsky. In the foyer of the Palais des Festivals in Cannes, the exhibition "Revival of Classical Engraving" was organized, among the exhibits of which were presented the works of masters from many cities of Russia. Within the framework of the festival, the European premiere of a documentary film dedicated to the 85th anniversary of Alexander Solzhenitsyn (directed by S. Miroshnichenko), A. Rogozhkin's film "The Cuckoo", two debut films: F. Yankovsky's "On the Move" and I. Ugolnikov's "Casus belli" were shown , as well as the animated film by A. Demin "Cats in the rain."
As part of the celebration of the 300th anniversary of St. Petersburg in May 2003, the exhibition "Paris - St. Petersburg 1800 - 1830" was held in the Cathedral of the Les Invalides. When Russia spoke French...”, which was held under the patronage of the presidents of the two countries and represented the largest foreign exposition from the funds of Russian museums over the past few years. The initiator and sponsor of this event was the Russian company Interros.
The exhibition featured more than 250 exhibits: paintings, watercolors, jewelry, furniture and court household items, weapons, costumes from the State Hermitage Museum, the State Historical Museum, the Moscow Kremlin State Museum-Reserve, the State Archives of the Russian Federation and the State Museum-Reserve " Pavlovsk”, which demonstrated the closeness and interpenetration of Russian and French cultures.
The exhibition was opened by Chairman of the Federation Council of Russia S.Mironov, who was at that time in France on an official visit. A highlight was the presentation of the French-Russian Dictionary of Art Terms published for the first time. In September 2003 the exhibition was moved to the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg.
Leading Russian performers and creative teams regularly perform in France - M. Rostropovich, V. Spivakov, Yu. Bashmet, B. Berezovsky, N. Lugansky.
The tours of Russian theaters are still of great interest. From October 2 to October 12, 2003, the Moscow Theater "P. Fomenko's Workshop" was in France, which showed its premiere "Egyptian Nights". Central Puppet Theatre. S. Obraztsova presented the performance "Rigoletto" to the French public.
The Russian cinema is of considerable interest to the French. At the international film festival in Cannes, the film by A. Sokurov "Father and Son", as well as the films "The God" (directed by K. Bronzit) and "Noon" (directed by A. Lomakin) were presented.
The potential of Russian-French cultural mutual enrichment is inexhaustible. New, colorful Russian projects are being prepared in France. Among the major cultural events in 2004, one can note the first Youth Festival of Russian Art in Bordeaux, the exhibition "Leo Tolstoy and His Era" in the Victor Hugo Museum in Paris, dedicated to the life and work of the great Russian writer. Negotiations are under way to organize the Year of Russian Culture in France (2005) and the Year of French Culture in Russia (2006), which are designed to diversify Russian-French cultural ties and further strengthen the friendship between our two peoples.
The beginning of 2005 was marked by two important events - two international cooperation agreements were signed: with the French Embassy in the Russian Federation and the Directorate for International Relations in the Field of Education of the Paris Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
The subject of the first agreement is the opening of the French Language Resource Center at the Tyumen State University, namely: the creation of a library of reference, educational literature and documentation on modern France and the study of the French language; organization of the Edufrance information point, equipped with specialized documentation on studying in France, to inform students about the possibilities of obtaining higher education in France; participation in the work of the Center of a French assistant-native speaker; organizing and conducting international examinations and diploma tests in French.
The second agreement provides for the opening of the Examination Center of the Paris Chamber of Commerce and Industry for organizing and taking exams for obtaining diplomas and certificates in the field of French for business communication, for work in the field of tourism and hospitality, for office work, in the field of science and technology, in areas of law, which will allow students to replenish their professional portfolio with prestigious French diplomas.
The new cooperation agreements will undoubtedly support the program for promoting the French language in the Russian higher education system and will help strengthen and develop mutual understanding and friendly relations between Russia and France.
The coordinator of cooperation agreements with France is the Regional Institute for International Cooperation (RIMS Tyumen State University), where you can get more detailed information about these international projects.
Chapter3. The main problems and forecast for the development of economicrelations between Russia and France
Recently, there has been a dynamic and systematic development of relations between Russia and France. However, there are also certain problems. As far as the “clean” economy is concerned, the requests of some large French companies setting up their production facilities in Russia will have to be dealt with. They relate mainly to the reduction of customs duties on the components they import. And Russian companies have claims against France, which often initiates restrictions on the access of Russian goods to the EU market.
Another "sore issue" is the visa issue. French specialists on duty often have to come to Russia many times, return home and come again. Excessive formalities get in the way. The first step, however, to ease the visa regime has already been taken. Recently, the State Duma ratified the relevant agreement with France.
Now long-term visas will be issued for a period not of one year, but of five years. Facilitate travel by invitation. Consulates will be able to issue visas on the basis of simple invitations received by fax, and the appeal of those departments that are listed in the agreement.
For the agreement to come into force, it was necessary to overcome the resistance of the Russian Ministry of Finance and border guards. The first, of course, is against the reduction of income received from the visa "business". And the second is deductions for the arrangement of their border "outposts". In general, Russia is working towards the speedy and complete abolition of visas with the European Union. Russia expects to achieve a visa - free regime with the EU already in 2007-2008 .
Currently, the Russian government is implementing a wide range of measures that will create more favorable conditions for business development and foreign investment.
Separately, there are problems of cooperation between Russia and the European Union, in which France plays a significant and positive role of a catalyst. On the whole, relations between Russia and France, which since 2000 have acquired the form of a strategic partnership, continue to deepen and develop rapidly.
To date, France is still in sixth place in terms of exports and investments in Russia. Among the leading countries are Germany, Italy, Japan. According to the French government, the Russian market is not easy to enter, but all necessary efforts will be made to overcome the existing obstacles.
At the same time, efforts on the part of Russia should be directed, first of all, to solving such problems as:
Development of the middle class of the population - the most promising participant in the consumer market;
Restructuring of the industrial sector;
The development of the transport sector, industrial infrastructure and telecommunications, as well as the growth of investments in the energy sector.
The actions taken by the Russian government to improve the investment climate, create a stabilization fund and a surplus budget strengthen political and economic stability, as well as the prestige of the presidency.
At the same time, despite the fact that positive trends continue to exist in the sphere of investment relations between Russia and the leading world powers, the investment and business climate in Russia still leaves much to be desired.
If we talk about the Russian-French Security Cooperation Council, then, undoubtedly, this is a very important body. First, it is a body for an advanced dialogue on security issues between Russia and one of the leading states of Europe and, in particular, the European Union.
Secondly, it is a body where the problems of international relations, international diplomacy and military security problems are united. The format of the Security Cooperation Council corresponds to today's realities and tasks on the agenda of the Russian-European dialogue. Among other things, this Council is good, not only in itself, but also as an institutional model for the possible development of Russia's contacts with other partners, including in Europe.
In addition to the topics of bilateral relations between Russia and France, this Council aims to harmonize the positions of Russia and France in the framework of the dialogue on security issues between Russia and the European Union, or more generally in Europe. This refers to the entire European security architecture, including not only the EU, but organizations such as NATO and other organizations for security and cooperation in Europe.
At the Council, under the heading of the formation of a European architecture after the enlargement of the European Union, the problems that Russia and the European Union faced in developing roadmaps and signing agreements on the formation of a common security space will be discussed. As you know, there was an agreement to form four common spaces as a long-term goal, one of which is the space of external security, but the commitment made by Russia and the European Union to do this was not actually fulfilled. Moreover, it was not carried out for reasons of significant disagreements between Russia and the European Union.
These disagreements concern not only the content of the common security space itself, but also the problems of Russia's interaction with the European Union. Suffice it to say that before the summit between Russia and the EU, many member states of the European Union insisted on adopting agreements in a package, that is, on all four spaces, but not for procedural reasons, but based on the fact that only in this case it is possible to achieve the main goal of the European Union , that is, to ensure that Russia approaches the so-called European values and standards as quickly and effectively as possible, fulfills its obligations in the field of human rights, and so on.
We are also talking, of course, about specific disagreements, for example, about Russia's participation in peacekeeping operations. Russia stands for the development of equal mechanisms for conducting peacekeeping operations, while the European Union, as you know, refuses and offers Russia to take part in the operations of the European Union as a third country.
All these issues are still quite acute, since the signing of agreements on four spaces is planned at the next Russia-EU summit in May this year. And, undoubtedly, solutions to this problem should be sought at all levels.
Considering the special relations between Russia and France, in particular, within the framework of the dialogue between Russia and the European Union, and considering that there is such a format as the Security Cooperation Council, of course, it would be strange if France and Russia did not discuss these problems and tried to at least outline those compromise outcomes on the disagreements that exist today between Russia and the European Union.
Probably, the specific results of the Russian-French dialogue will not yet be made public, since the diplomatic negotiation process is underway, and there is nothing strange in this. But the mere fact that Russia and France are discussing these problems is a very positive fact, indicating that the Russian-European dialogue through such mechanisms, the Cooperation Council, is not interrupted and is not canalized into negotiations at summits. In other words, the Council in this respect is, of course, very effective and necessary.
In addition, issues of combating terrorism will be discussed. Generally speaking, this is not just a priority topic for the European Union lately, but also a topic that has become increasingly concrete at the level of the European Union. Serious steps were taken, the post of coordinator for combating terrorism was created, and so on.
The problems of limiting financial transactions related to terrorism are currently being discussed. But so far no effective contact has been established between Russia and the European Union along this line. Some first steps were taken at the previous Russia-EU summit, but these are really only the first steps, and, probably, cooperation in the fight against terrorism will be discussed at the Russian-French Cooperation Council.
But the fact is that here, too, the European Union brings the problem of protecting human rights to the fore and wants to get Russia to be as close as possible to the standards that the European Union accepts in the field of combating terrorism. To what extent Russia is ready to move in the direction of these standards remains an open question.
In addition, there is a very serious problem related to the future of the European Union concept of "Wider Europe - New Neighbourhood". The fact is that this concept causes serious concern on the Russian side. The Russian side constantly repeats that there is nothing strange that the European Union is striving for stability and development in the territories and spaces adjacent to the European Union, but considers the position of the European Union unjustified, which is related to the fact that these border countries, the so-called new neighborhood, develop and move towards the standards of the European Union itself.
And here a very serious problem arises: how to combine this new neighborhood program, which Russia does not actually accept, with the role that Russia plays and will continue to play in the CIS space - these are Moldova, Ukraine, Central Asia and the Caucasus. Another important topic is the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Probably, the issue of Russia's relations with Iran will be discussed.
This is a problem that interests both the Russian and European sides, and, in particular, France. France, as is known, is one of the three states that is negotiating with Iran on the termination of uranium enrichment programs and on appropriate guarantees. Russia, of course, is also objectively interested in this problem being resolved, because, firstly, Iran is one of the strongest states in the region, and no one, Russia in the first place, is interested in Iran having nuclear weapons. And secondly, the problem of Iran has always been a controversial topic in the dialogue between Russia and the West, in particular, between Russia and the United States. And Russia is interested in seeing this controversial topic removed from the agenda. Here Russia and France have no serious disagreements, and Russia responds quite constructively to the dialogue on this issue and supports the efforts of the troika.
This question may sound particularly strong in connection with President Bush's recent statements, made before his inauguration, about the possibility of military action against Iran if Iran does not give up military nuclear programs and does not give appropriate guarantees, does not take appropriate constructive positions on cooperation in this areas with an international community.
Such a statement, actually on the eve of the cooperation council, of course, will not go unnoticed, and France and Russia will probably discuss this problem, including not only in the context of negotiations between the troika and Iran, but also in the context of a dialogue between interested parties, Europe and Russia on one side and the United States of America on the other.
On the initiative of both states, the association "Russian-French Dialogue" was created in order to involve the public in the development of relations between Russia and France, which until now have been "monopolized" by officials.
The Franco-Russian dialogue is called upon to become a new page in the long and glorious history of fruitful interaction between the civil societies of both countries. The Association will become a permanent structure. Its activities will not be limited to ensuring effective bilateral ties. It is seen as an important element in strengthening pan-European cooperation and interaction with countries in other regions.
Stable and sustainable growth in the Russian economy creates new opportunities for expanding partnerships between Russia and France in the economic field. Russian business is open to joint projects and foreign investment. Many French associations are already successfully working in various sectors of the Russian economy, achieving tangible results. One such example is cooperation with the Renault company headed by my colleague Mr. Schweitzer.
In addition, the signing of a cooperation agreement between the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs and the French MEDEF is welcomed. This experience is highly valued, as well as the interaction between the Chambers of Commerce and Industry of the two countries.
For example, a representative office of the oldest Russian VNESHECONOMBANK was opened in Paris. This is the first representative office of a Russian bank accredited in France.
Emphasizing the importance of developing the economic partnership between France and Russia, I would like to note that the activities of the Franco-Russian Dialogue Association will not be limited to the economic sphere.
Within the framework of the Franco-Russian dialogue, closer cooperation in the field of science, culture and education, as well as direct contacts between the regions of France and Russia, should be carried out.
Among the central themes of the Russian-French political dialogue, the problems of relations between Russia and the EU, taking into account the upcoming enlargement of the European Union, are brought to the fore, while we are talking about the consequences of enlargement for the national interests of Russia and Russian-EU relations.
The consular services of the Russian and French Foreign Ministries continue to discuss the Agreement on Reciprocal Travel Facilitation, which will allow Russian citizens to facilitate visa formalities under the current Schengen agreements and move towards a visa-free regime in relations between Russia and the EU in the future.
Russia and France are pinning great hopes on the ongoing reform of such an important mechanism for the development of bilateral ties as the Russian-French Council for Economic, Financial, Industrial and Trade Issues. The reform of the council will help intensify business ties between Russian and French entrepreneurs. More active involvement in the work of this intergovernmental institution of the business circles of the two countries, including representatives of small and medium-sized businesses, is expected.
The countries have good prospects for the development of industrial cooperation in high-tech sectors of the economy. In December 2003, the first contract was signed between the French company Airbus and the Russian plant Sokol for the production of fuselage elements for aircraft of the A-320 family; center."
February 28, 2005 at the Regional Institute for International Cooperation Tyumen State University held a round table meeting with the participation of the delegation of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Paris. Its topics are the expansion of bilateral economic ties between the Tyumen region and the French Republic, the development of cooperation between French and Tyumen enterprises, support for small and medium businesses; discussion of the strategy for entering the Russian and French markets.
The round table was attended by: Mrs. Claudine Dagne - Deputy Director of the Paris Chamber of Commerce and Industry for International Cooperation and Promotion of Enterprises; Mr. Igor Malseff - Advisor to the Paris Chamber of Commerce and Industry for the CIS and Baltic countries; Mr. Vladimir Barkin - General Representative of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Paris in Moscow, heads of the Department of Strategic Development of the ATO, representatives of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Tyumen Region, Director of the Regional Institute for International Cooperation of Tyumen State University G.V.Telegina, General Director of the Industrial Development Fund Yu.A. Baranchuk, Executive Director of the Association of Enterprises with Foreign Investments of the Tyumen Region S.N. Gavris, representatives of TRO LLC Opora Rossii, heads of large Tyumen enterprises, banks, consulting and audit firms.
During the discussions, the interest of the French government in the Russian regions and the intentions of French business circles to expand cooperation with enterprises in the Urals and Siberia were emphasized. Representatives of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Paris announced their intention to visit a number of Tyumen enterprises and, in turn, invited all interested parties to a meeting with representatives of more than 200 French enterprises, which will be held on April 5 this year in Paris as part of a seminar dedicated to Russian regions. The Presidents of Russia and France intend to discuss "new opportunities for further building up bilateral economic cooperation."
According to the results of 2003, the trade turnover between the countries increased by more than 28% and amounted to 5.83 billion dollars. According to this indicator, France still lags behind a number of Russia's European partners, but the positive trends that have emerged in recent years allow us to expect that the accelerated dynamics of Russian-French trade will continue in the medium term.
The Russian side prepared and handed over to France a draft Joint Action Program for 2005-2006. The document reflects the main priorities and tasks of Russian-French cooperation in the political, economic, military and cultural spheres, it corresponds to the goals of deepening cooperation.
Conclusion
For many centuries, France and Russia have been linked by relations of friendship and mutual sympathy. Intensive contacts between scientists and artists, intellectuals, politicians and business people are building a strong fabric of relations between these countries. Presidents Vladimir Putin and Jacques Chirac are making a great contribution to the development of relations between Russia and France.
The meetings of the Council, which are held once a year, are attended by the ministers of foreign affairs and defense of the two countries. They exchange views on the threats existing in the world, determine common approaches and solutions in case of possible joint actions. Meetings in this format confirm the special nature of relations between Russia and France.
Russia supports the French proposal to convene a number of international forums on questions of a comprehensive system of international security. Russia is ready to develop energy relations with Europe and is in favor of strengthening cooperation between the two countries in aviation construction. In addition, the presidents of Russia and France talk about the ABM treaty in great detail and detail.
Mutual understanding and cooperation on topical international problems between Moscow and Paris has reached a level that allows the two countries to play an increasingly significant role in ensuring international and European security.
Young people play a special role in the development of Russian-French relations. This is the main goal of the national program "Study and training in France" and part of the strategy to integrate French innovation. Representatives of France made no secret of the fact that they were mainly interested in students of technical and engineering specialties.
Bibliography
1. Avdokushin E.F. International Economic Relations: Textbook. - M.: Infra-M, 2000. - 376 p.
2. Baranovsky V.G. The European community in the system of international relations. - M.: UNITI, 2000. - S. 28.
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Economic relations between Russia and France at the present stage
annotation
The article examines the economic relations between Russia and France in the last decade, including periods of recession and recovery. The purpose of the study is to analyze foreign trade, mutual foreign direct investment and the impact on them of the deterioration of economic relations against the backdrop of the sanctions policy. The author revealed that the sanctions pressure did not frighten off any French company and proved that the statistics do not reflect the real state of affairs, because most companies invest through their subsidiaries. The article focuses on the comparison of various statistical sources. The change in the structure of imports and exports in the general flow of trade in goods is considered. Examples of new Russian-French projects in the context of sanctions wars are given.
Key words: Russia, France, economic relations, foreign trade, export, import, foreign investment, intergovernmental dialogue, sanctions.
Trade and economic cooperation between Russia and France today
Khalimat Karimovna BUDUNOVA,
Ministry of economic development of the Russian Federation - advisor of the Department of Europe, North America and international organization, M.V. Lomonosov Moscow State University, Facility of economics, Department of World economy - postgraduate student,
Email: [email protected]
The article is dedicated to trade and economic cooperation between Russia and France during the last decade, including the periods of increase and decline. The article analyzes the changes in trade and foreign direct investment and the impact of the worsening economic relations amid sanctions. The author reveals that far from leaving the Russian market, French companies start investing in the new projects. The article also pays attention to comparison of different statistical sources. The article analyzes the general trade in goods and shows the changes in the structure of exports and imports. Examples of the new bilateral projects in the context of sanctions.
Keywords: Russia, France, economic relations, foreign trade, export, import, foreign investments, intergovernmental dialogue, sanctions.
11 - 2018 I I
UDC 339.9 BBK 65.5 B-903
Khalimat Karimovna BUDUNOVA,
Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation - Advisor to the Department of Europe, North America and International Organizations, Advisor to the State Civil Service of the Russian Federation, 3rd class, Lomonosov Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov - post-graduate student of the department "World Economy" of the Economic
faculty. Email: [email protected]
Foreign economic relations between France and Russia have long historical roots and play a significant role in understanding the essence of the latest trends in international economic relations. Last year we celebrated the 300th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries. Thanks to the intense personal relationship between the two presidents, it has strengthened over the past year. At the moment, they are characterized by active political communication, oriented towards a common future, trade and economic relations are experiencing a period of dynamic revival and expansion of areas of interaction. French companies are positively inclined to develop their business in our country. “Soft power” has a special influence, which means cultural interaction, especially between the regions of our countries. The novelty of the article lies not only in a fresh picture of relations between Russia and France, but also in a special study of the impact of intergovernmental dialogue on the restoration of full-fledged cooperation between countries.
FRENCH BUSINESS IN RUSSIA AND THE CURRENT STATE OF THE INTERGOVERNMENTAL DIALOGUE
Despite the difficult international context and economic crises, French business demonstrates the stability of its presence in Russia. Many French companies are tired of artificially created barriers, and Russia remains the largest market for goods and services for most of them. There is a dialogue at the highest level with large French companies. In 2016, President of Russia V.V. Putin, at a meeting with members of the Economic Council of the Franco-Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry1 noted that “the well-known difficulties of an economic nature and motivated by political considerations” did not frighten a single French company operating on the Russian market and “did not leave Russia, everyone works, continues to work and we are very happy about it."
This year (January 31, 2018) the second meeting of the President of Russia V.V. Putin with large French business3. “Your recommendations expressed at the last meeting in 2016 turned out to be very useful, and we tried to take them into account in our work in the economic direction,” said V.V. Putin4. Indeed, this kind of open dialogue demonstrates the willingness of the Russian side to support French companies in developing their business in our country at the highest level.
According to the author, Russia and France have many mutual interests. By combining our interests, we will be able to achieve the maximum effect on the markets of Russia and France, as well as in third countries. The positive attitude of the French colleagues is confirmed by the active participation of French companies (about 170 participants
Russian Foreign Economic Bulletin
of 60 companies) led by French President E. Macron at the annual economic forum in St. Petersburg. French companies received a boost of "enthusiasm and motivation" to work in Russia. “The economy is the fundamental basis for the development of interstate relations, and France must be strong in order to repel attacks from other countries,”5 Macron said. This statement refers to the impact of extraterritorial sanctions and the US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement with Iran. Now Mr. Macron and his team are actively working on the financial sovereignty of Europe. The goal is the desire to free some areas of trade and economic relations from geopolitical passions, excessive politicization. It is also gratifying that at the forum, President of France Emmanuel Macron expressed hope for the creation of a single space from Lisbon to Vladivostok, perhaps these are just grandiloquent words not entirely appropriate for the current situation, but Charles de Gaulle’s ideas about creating a “united Europe” slip through maintaining French sovereignty.
Definitely, business needs stability and open dialogue at all levels of government. The current favorable trend is largely due to the intensification of relations at the level of the ministries of economies of the two countries at the end of 20156. Already in January 2016, after three years of observed “cooling” of bilateral relations, directly with the participation of E. Macron (at that time he headed the French Ministry of Economy), it was possible to resume the format of interdepartmental dialogue - the Russian-French Council for Economic, Financial, Industrial and Trade Issues7 (CEFIC )eight.
Currently, 12 specialized working groups are actively functioning within the framework of SEFIC in various areas of bilateral trade and economic cooperation. In 2017, for the first time, two meetings of the Council were successfully held, which, of course, creates a solid foundation for expanding the trade and economic agenda. A project-oriented approach has been introduced into the activities of the Council, aimed at achieving specific goals. This approach made it possible to identify a number of important growth points for bilateral cooperation: innovation, including the promotion of innovative companies through accelerator programs, innovation centers and competitiveness poles, small and medium-sized businesses, in particular, the integration of Russian and French SMEs into global value chains.
Special attention is paid to these areas of interaction during the meetings of the SEFIC Working Group on Investments and Modernization of the Economy. As part of the last meeting, held on July 19, 2018 in Tolyatti, we began the practical implementation of the joint statement of the Russian-French partnership for the economy of the future,9 signed between the ministries of the economies of the two during the visit of French President E. Macron to Russia.
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According to the author, Russia and France have points of growth and expansion of bilateral trade, which is manifested in a busy economic agenda. The restored dialogue at the highest and interdepartmental levels is reflected in the statistical indicators of bilateral trade. Let's consider them in more detail.
TRADE RELATIONS
France traditionally belongs to Russia's priority foreign trade partners. In recent years, the role of France as a foreign trade partner of Russia has decreased. At the end of 2017, its share in Russian foreign trade amounted to 2.6%, in exports - 1.6%, in imports - 4.2%, ranking 12th in terms of foreign trade turnover, 18th in exports and 6th in imports, respectively. -th place. At the same time, the share of Russia in French foreign trade is even more insignificant -
I.3% (13th place among France's foreign trade partners).
Let us consider in more detail the downward trend in bilateral trade. This trend continued from 2012 to 2015 inclusive, the peak of the decline occurred in 2015, when mutual trade decreased by 36.2% to the level
II.6 billion dollars (in 2014 - 18.2 billion dollars)10. At the end of 2015, the negative trend was reversed. In 2017, the trade turnover increased by 16.5% to the level of 15.5 billion dollars. At the moment, the trade turnover has been growing for the third year in a row. According to the results of January-June 2018, it increased by 20.8% and amounted to $8.7 billion, Russian exports increased by 14.5% ($3.4 billion), imports increased by 25.2% (5. 3 billion dollars). According to the FCS of Russia, in the first half of 2018, France is in 11th place among all partner countries of Russia (in exports - 17th place, in imports - 5th).
We are seeing a trend towards the recovery of trade between countries, but it is not possible to reach the level of the pre-crisis period, when the figures reached 28 billion US dollars. In general, bilateral trade is characterized by a negative trade balance, that is, the predominance of imports of imported products over exports. In 2015, the trade balance was reduced to a minimum. For a detailed analysis of foreign trade commodity nomenclatures, let us turn to the detailed structure of exports and imports.
The structure of trade between Russia and France differs little from similar indicators of Russian trade with other developed countries. The main export commodities from Russia to France are natural gas (48.1%), petroleum products (24.8%), crude oil (8.5%), less than 5% of the total range of export commodities are inorganic chemicals, mixed fertilizers, lumber, food and agricultural raw materials, alloy steel bars, titanium and titanium products, mechanical equipment, aircraft, automatic control equipment.
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Considering that 86% of Russian exports are mineral products, any external factors (rate fluctuations, sanctions risks, and others) are very noticeable. According to the Federal Customs Service of Russia, in 2017 due to the increase in fuel prices, fuel and energy supplies to France increased, but the physical volumes practically did not change (an increase from 18.1 million tons in 2016 to 18.7 million tons in 2017).
And the growth of metal supplies from Russia, on the contrary, is a consequence of the improvement of the situation in the industrial sector of France, an increase in the corresponding consumption. “Growth in activity in the manufacturing industry accelerated last December in France, thanks to the highest demand in seventeen years,” the newspaper reports on the industrial sector11.
In the structure of imported goods, the main share is made up of machinery, equipment and vehicles, primarily aircraft (25.2%), parts of vehicles (3.4%), as well as products of the chemical industry, namely medicines packaged for retail sale ( 8%), cosmetics for skin care, perfumes and eau de toilette (3.2%). According to statistics, the increase in imports was due to the growth of French supplies of engineering products by almost 30.8% (+640.2 million dollars), primarily aircraft (+340.6 million dollars).
According to data for September 2018, out of 243 aircraft from Aeroflot’s fleet, only 49 are domestically produced (“Sukhoi Superjet 100”)12, therefore, about 80% of Aeroflot’s fleet is imported. Now Aeroflot continues to update its fleet, including through the Airbus A319, A320, A321 family, but preference is given to domestic aircraft, namely the Sukhoi Superjet 100 aircraft, which is planned to be purchased in the amount of one hundred units in the period from 2019 to 2026 year. Thus, according to the author, the company's purchasing policy is diversified and Airbus's share does not dominate.
INVESTMENT COOPERATION
Geopolitics definitely affects the activity of the business community and the flow of investments, but the logic of economic benefit has always allowed businesses to build relationships on a mutually beneficial basis. Now in Russia there are about 600 enterprises with the participation of French capital in various sectors of the economy. French companies have the strongest positions in the fuel and energy sector, automotive, pharmaceuticals, and the food industry. The potential of French investments in Russia, especially in science-intensive industries, has not yet been fully used. Many French companies continue to open their production sites in Russia, among them Renault, Groupe PSA, Schneider Electric, Alstom, Saint-Gobain, Danon, Sanofi. Let's talk in more detail about some of them.
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In 2017, Sanofi entered into a special investment contract (SPIC) to modernize pharmaceutical production at its Sanofi-Aventis Vostok CJSC plant in the Oryol region. According to the contract, in 2019 it is planned to deepen the localization of insulin production to the stage of the finished drug product. European Union.
Interestingly, in addition to the traditional sectors of the economy, French companies are investing in the food industry and tourism. For example, the French company Lesaffre plans to expand and modernize its production of baker's yeast in the Voronezh region. The total investment until 2020 is 1 billion rubles. 14 Currently, the Voronezh branch of the company produces more than 60% of the total volume of baker's yeast in Russia, which are sold throughout the country, and also delivered abroad - to Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Serbia.
Last year, with the participation of the French company POMA S.A.S. a Russian-French joint venture LLC National Ropeways was established to manufacture, build and maintain ropeways for ski resorts in Russia.15 In accordance with an agreement concluded at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum, it is planned to expand the number of ropeways at the Elbrus resort and "Veduchi".
Now some French enterprises have stepped over the "mental border" and began to work beyond the Urals and in the Far East. For example, last year the Legrand group and Insystems launched a joint project in Vladivostok for the production of uninterruptible power supplies, investments amounted to about 25 million euros.16 In order to implement the project, the companies created a joint venture DV-engineering, which became a resident Vladivostok.
It is clear that entrepreneurs are closely monitoring the economic situation in our country and are considering promising cooperation projects. However, the performance of investment activity leaves much to be desired. “In terms of investments: 15 billion French direct investments, Russian about 3. ... We have one Finnish company Fortum invested 6 billion, and all of France - 15. The Russian economy is very open to our partners and very reliable, despite all the turbulent processes, after all, we have achieved macroeconomic stability, which is important for investors,” said Russian President VV. Putin17-
Today, a number of measures are being taken in Russia to improve the business environment for foreign investors: a qualitatively new macroeconomic environment has been created,
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various innovations have been introduced that are not available in many developed countries: inflation targeting, floating exchange rate, budget rule. The adaptation of the Russian economy to low oil prices is noted. Back in 2012, the President of the Russian Federation set the task to enter the top 20 best countries in the most authoritative indicator of the development of the investment climate - the Doing Business rating. As a result, by 2017, Russia took 35th place and rose by 85 positions in total, reaching almost the same level with Japan (34th place), Switzerland (33rd place) and the Netherlands (32nd place) in total scores. ), France (31st place). According to the data, Russia is ahead of the BRICS countries.
According to the results of 2017, French investments in Russia decreased almost to the level of the “crisis” years of 2008-2009. ($696 million): the flow of French investments decreased by 57.2% compared to the level of 2016 and amounted to $854 million. Thus, the share of France in the total FDI flow to the Russian Federation in 2017 decreased to 3.06 % (according to the results of 2016, this figure was 6.1%). It is also worth noting that the share of French investments in Russia also decreased as part of the FDI flow from Western European countries from 45.2% in 2016 to 18.6% in 2017.
In many respects, the lack of funding from the banking sector, which was subject to sanctions, had a negative impact on the investment cooperation between the two countries. The imposition of sanctions against the largest Russian banks with state participation, as an element of monetary interaction, significantly hinders bilateral cooperation in almost all areas, making it difficult for the financial and settlement side of any project. In view of the fact that in Russia the policy of import substitution is applied with varying success, some French companies have ceased to be in demand by consumers, especially in the agricultural sector, and are forced to redirect their goods to other countries. In general, due to Russian counter-sanctions, the situation in the agricultural sector in France is characterized by overproduction and, accordingly, the depreciation of dairy products and meat, especially pork. It is not possible to bring down the wave of protests of farmers who are on the verge of ruin due to the lack or insufficiency of compensation and low purchase prices. French official statistics do not link the situation in the economy with the effect of mutual sanctions restrictions, bypass or minimize the issue of quantitative study of their impact on the French economy.
Table 1
French direct investment in Russia (million USD)
TOTAL 1,686 1,997,854
Equity participation 739 709 717
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Direct receipts (balance of transactions) 2015 2016 2017
Reinvestment of income 70 765 388
Debt instruments 877 523 -251
TOTAL 10,003 14,400 15,387
Equity participation 6,296 10,147 11,071
Debt instruments 3,707 4,253 4,315
However, changes in the total volume of accumulated French investments in the Russian economy show a positive trend: after an almost 30% fall, the growth index of accumulated French FDI in Russia amounted to 144% in 2016, and in 2017 - 107%. Thus, according to the results of 2017, the volume of accumulated direct French investments reached $15.4 billion, which amounted to almost 3.5% of the total volume of accumulated FDI in Russia.
It is worth noting the fact that Russia is not among the main investor countries of the French economy, among which the United States and Germany play a predominant role, while France is still among the leading European investor countries operating in the Russian market. In terms of types of economic activity, the main categories that account for the largest volumes of French FDI in Russia are the following: wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles (6.9 billion dollars), financial and insurance activities (1.9 billion dollars), manufacturing industries (1.9 billion dollars).
table 2
Russia's direct investments in France (mln USD)
Direct receipts (balance of transactions) 2015 2016 2017
TOTAL 74 121 305
Equity participation 46 68 111
Debt instruments 28 53 194
Direct accumulated (by direction) 2015 (as of 01/01/2016) 2016 (as of 01/01/2017) 2017 (as of 01/01/2018)
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Direct receipts (balance of transactions) 2015 2016 2017
TOTAL 2,855 2,806 3,006
Equity participation 2,662 2,605 2,698
Debt instruments 193 201 308
