On March 2, 1917, the Emperor of the Russian Empire Nicholas II signed the Act of Abdication, he transferred the burden of imperial power to his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Nicholas thought that this would be a better way out than an attempt to suppress the rebellion in Petrograd by force. He was tired, Mikhail was popular, power was transferred legally, the State Duma supported, it seemed that everything would be for the better.

A. Guchkov and P. Milyukov were glad that it was so easy to deceive the emperor, who legitimized with his signature a government that was not discussed or proposed by the State Duma, but created by a narrow group of conspirators. Their dreams came true, they received full power and the opportunity to rebuild the empire on the model of England so beloved by them, creating a constitutional monarchy. They did not yet know that they were only pawns in the Great Game, that they were also deceived, and that the future of the empire was not a respectable European power, but blood, death and chaos.

The threads of the conspiracy against the Russian Empire stretched from St. Petersburg to the capitals of the major European powers - Berlin, Paris, London and further across the ocean to the United States. The overthrow of the autocracy was just one of the links in the chain, a global conspiracy against the empire and its peoples.

Edward Mandel House.

"House Plan"

Evidence that there was a global conspiracy against the Russian Empire, and that the revolution was the result of an operation not only of internal opposition (rather, it was just a tool in capable hands), began to emerge during the civil war.

The revolution in the Russian Empire was planned back in February 1916, bankers and financiers participated in the conspiracy - Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Mortimer Schiff, Otto Kahn, Guggenheim, Jerome Hanauer and others. This plan was called the “House plan”, there is not a word about Colonel House in school textbooks, but in vain.

Reference: “Colonel” House, Edward Mandel House (sometimes spelled House) is an adviser to US President Woodrow Wilson, associated with US financial circles. Gained fame due to the great influence on W. Wilson, the participation of the States in the First World War is also associated with his name. He was one of the ardent enemies of Russia: “... the rest of the world will live more calmly if instead of a huge Russia there are four Russias in the world. One is Siberia, and the rest are the divided European part of the country ”(1918). He took part in the creation of the League of Nations and the Paris Conference - which resolved the issues of the post-war structure of Europe.

It all started with the fact that in 1912 the financial circles of the United States put President Wilson in his place (the main sponsor of the presidential campaign was B. Baruch) - he was a history professor, an ardent Protestant, in fact convinced of his mission to save the United States and the whole world. Another assistant who played a big role in Wilson's victory was the Texas financier, Mandel House. House not only helped win the presidential election, but also became the president's closest friend, becoming a real "gray eminence" of the United States, subjugating the State Department, the White House apparatus. He himself said: "I am the power behind the throne." And he, in turn, was the conductor of the US financial magnates, Wilson was called the "puppet of the Rothschilds."

House was formally an adviser, calling himself a "colonel", although he had nothing to do with the army - in the southern states, the title that belonged to the ancestors was inherited, he was a "Texas farmer." He quietly rotated in the ruling circles of Great Britain, France, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany. House considered Russia the main rival of the United States in the struggle for world domination and therefore hated it.

When the First World War broke out, House was preoccupied with the split of the European powers into two camps. He believed that the victory of the Russian Empire as part of the Entente would give it dominance over Europe - the receipt of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, Galicia, Polish lands from the German Empire, this was unacceptable for the United States. The victory of the German bloc was also undesirable for the United States, so he believed that the Entente should win, but without Russia.

The First World War was extremely beneficial for the United States, their main competitors in the race for world domination weakened each other, the States from the world debtor (3 billion debt before the war) became the world creditor (they were owed 2 billion dollars). US industry grew stronger on military orders, the population increased, people fled from Europe, from the horrors of war, trying to start a new life.

"House's plan" is a very conditional name, he was not the only author of the plan for the reorganization of the world, and there is no document with that name, but there are diaries, House's letters, which set out his vision. The Americanist A. Utkin calls this plan "House's strategy." Its goal was to establish the world domination of the United States, but not by military methods, but by political, financial, economic, informational ones.

Plan Basics

Taking advantage of the fruits of neutrality, it was necessary to enter the war ourselves in order to enjoy the fruits of victory. The signal for the US entry into the war was the revolution in the Russian Empire and the overthrow of the tsar.

After the collapse of the monarchy, Russia had to be defeated and the war, get out of it. After that, Germany got the opportunity to focus on the Western Front, the British, French, Italian troops could only hope for the help of the United States. Washington was getting a lot of leverage over them.

The victory over Germany and its allies was going to be ensured not only by military methods, but more by informational ones. To do this, it was necessary to separate the peoples of the warring countries from the ruling regimes, find support in the internal opposition, encourage them, promise them power, initiate revolutionary processes within the countries.

After the war, to revise the system of international relations, to cancel the treaties of the times of "secret diplomacy".

The main strategic partner of the United States was to become the British, together with England, the United States could dictate the terms of peace to all other countries. Together with England, they were going to dismember Russia, weaken the positions of France, Italy, and Japan. Moreover, as a result, England became a junior, subordinate partner.

The result of all the reshuffles was the "New World Order", the formation of a "world government" where the United States would dominate. With the help of propaganda of "democratic values" they were going to make them a priority for all world politics. The First World War created favorable conditions for such a transition, it was explained by the aggressiveness of "absolutism", the lack of "democracy" in Europe. The establishment of "genuine democracy" supposedly will save the world from future wars. The United States, on the other hand, received the role of a justice of the peace, which could get into any conflict, the role of a world teacher of democracy.

Russia fell into the camp of the defeated in the war, it was planned to be divided into four territories. They fell under the political, financial and economic influence of the United States, becoming in fact its raw material appendage and market for goods, losing all influence in the world. House also did not like Orthodox Christianity, he believed that it should be destroyed and replaced by a religion like Protestantism.

This plan was eventually implemented, not completely, but to a large extent, it was carried out by the intelligence services of the United States and England, the financiers of the United States and Europe, European and American politicians, the “fifth column” inside Russia and Germany. Of course, few of them knew the full depth of the plan and its significance.

Sources:
Archive of Colonel House. Favorites. In 2 volumes. M., 2004.
Zhevakhov N.D. Jewish Revolution. M., 2006.
Platonov O. A. Crown of Thorns in Russia. M., 2001.
Sutton E. Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution. M., 1998.
Trotsky L. D. My life. Autobiographical experience. M., 1991.
Utkin A.I. The First World War. M., 2001.
Shambarov V. E. State and Revolution. M., 2002.
Shambarov V. E. Invasion of strangers. conspiracy against the empire. M., 2007.
http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bnei B'rith
http://www.rusidea.org/?a=450057

Edward Mundell House, son of Mayor Thomas William House Sr. (Thomas William House, Sr.), was born July 26, 1858 in Houston, Texas (Houston, Texas). Their last name was originally spelled "Huis", but later changed to "House". Edward studied at schools in New England (New England) and in 1877 continued his education at Cornell University (Cornell University) in Ithaca, New York (Ithaca, New York), but was forced to drop out when his father died.

In August 1881 he married Loulie Hunter. Returning to Texas, House took over the family business, but he eventually sold the cotton plantations and invested in banking, moving to New York City around 1902.

In 1912, House anonymously published a novel called "Philip Dru: Administrator" in which the protagonist, Drew, leads the democratic Western United States (USA) in a civil war against the plutocratic East, eventually becoming the dictator of America (America); then Drew launches a series of reforms reminiscent of the 1912 Progressive Party platform and disappears at the end.

While still in Texas, House became active in politics and became an adviser to President Woodrow Wilson, especially with regard to foreign policy. During the 1917-1919 armistice negotiations in Europe (Europe) House was the main person responsible for the negotiations on the American side, and at the Paris Peace Conference (Paris Peace Conference) he acted as Wilson's first deputy.

From 1892 to 1902, House helped four people become governors of Texas, and after the election served as an informal adviser to each governor. The first of these, Jim Hogg, promoted House to the rank of colonel in order to raise House's profile among his staff.

House became a close friend and supporter of New Jersey Governor Woodrow Wilson in 1911 and helped him win the 1912 presidential election, after which he helped pick up an administration. Wilson offered House any position of his choice, with the exception of the post of Secretary of State, which had already been promised to William Jennings Bryan (William Jennings Bryan), but House refused, remaining his adviser and pledging to serve "where and wherever possible." He even had his own apartments in the White House (White House). After the death of Wilson's first wife in 1914, their friendship became even closer. But the president's second wife, Edith Wilson, didn't like House, and his position weakened. House, meanwhile, threw himself into foreign policy, trying, according to the Wilson plan, to end the First World War. He spent much of 1915 and 1916 in Europe trying to negotiate peace through diplomacy, and was a great enthusiast for his cause, but House lacked a thorough knowledge of the peculiarities of European politics, and he was continually misled by British diplomats.

After the sinking of the Lusitania on May 7, 1915, the tension between Germany and the United States increased so much that neutrality became unstable. And although House insisted on the need to help Britain (Britain) and France (France), the president remained neutral.

House played a key role in shaping wartime diplomacy. Together with the president, he assembled a team of experts who offered effective solutions to post-war world problems, and in September 1918, House was appointed responsible for preparing the constitution of the League of Nations (League of Nations). In October, when the Germans sued for peace, House worked out the details of a peace agreement with the Allies and continued to take an active part in the work of the future League of Nations. Alas, the Paris Conference revealed serious differences between Wilson and House, which were mixed with personal conflicts. During this period, Wilson broke off relations with almost all of his closest advisers, and House did not escape this fate - in mid-March 1919, the president lost confidence in him and removed him from business.

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What is the House Plan?

What is the House Plan?

"House Plan"

Reference: "Colonel" House, Edward Mandel House (sometimes spelled House) - adviser to US President Woodrow Wilson, associated with US financial circles. Gained fame due to the great influence on W. Wilson, the participation of the States in the First World War is also associated with his name. He was one of the ardent enemies of Russia: “... the rest of the world will live more calmly if instead of a huge Russia there are four Russias in the world. One is Siberia, and the rest are the divided European part of the country” (1918). He took part in the creation of the League of Nations and the Paris Conference - which resolved the issues of the post-war structure of Europe.

It all started with the fact that in 1912 the financial circles of the United States put President V. Wilson in his place (the main sponsor of the presidential campaign was B. Baruch) - he was a history professor, an ardent Protestant, in fact convinced of his mission to save the United States and the whole world. Another assistant who played a big role in Wilson's victory was the Texas financier Mandel House. House not only helped win the presidential election, but also became the president's closest friend, becoming a real "gray eminence" of the United States, subjugating the State Department, the White House apparatus. He himself said: "I am the power behind the throne." And he, in turn, was the conductor of the US financial magnates, Wilson was called the "puppet of the Rothschilds."

When the First World War broke out, House was preoccupied with the split of the European powers into two camps. He believed that the victory of the Russian Empire as part of the Entente would give it dominance over Europe - receiving the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, Galicia, Polish lands from the German Empire, this was unacceptable for the United States. The victory of the German bloc was also undesirable for the United States, so he believed that the Entente should win, but without Russia.

Plan Basics

After the war, to revise the system of international relations, to cancel the treaties of the times of "secret diplomacy".

Sources:
Archive of Colonel House. Favorites. In 2 volumes. M., 2004.
Zhevakhov N.D. Jewish Revolution. M., 2006.
Platonov O. A. Crown of Thorns in Russia. M., 2001.
Sutton E. Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution. M., 1998.
Trotsky L. D. My life. Autobiographical experience. M., 1991.
Utkin A.I. The First World War. M., 2001.
Shambarov V. E. State and Revolution. M., 2002.
Shambarov V. E. Invasion of strangers. conspiracy against the empire. M., 2007.
http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bnei B'rith
http://www.rusidea.org/?a=450057

The world could be different. William Bullitt in an attempt to change the twentieth century Etkind Alexander Markovich

Chapter 2 Colonel House

Colonel House

In February 1917, Bullitt took the interview that would define his career. In several pages of the Philadelphia Ledger, Bullitt detailed the evolution of the international projects of Edward House, President Wilson's closest adviser and strategist of the American administration in the prewar years. He was usually called "Colonel House", although he had no military experience, but was a Cornell graduate, owner of cotton plantations in Texas, and also a writer who published a fantasy novel "Philip Drew, Administrator" in 1912.

The specter that haunts liberal Europe, Bullitt wrote in his article in the words of House, is the fear that the war will end with an alliance between Germany, Japan and Russia. This specter of a new tripartite alliance is not just a nightmarish fantasy; according to House, which he now allowed to be made public, it was the subject of continuous discussion in all European Foreign Offices. The Allies kept revolutionary Russia in the war by promising her Constantinople; But what if, Bullitt asked, they fail to take and then give up Constantinople? Then the post-war union of Russia and Germany would be inevitable, House reasoned, predicting the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. This "league of malcontents" would be joined by Japan, he said, predicting Pearl Harbor. The new alliance will be directed against Great Britain, France and the United States, and this confrontation will determine the course of the century, which, as Bullitt believed, will be the bloodiest in the history of mankind.

House recalled how he, on behalf of the Wilson administration, tried to stop the European war by negotiating with the warring parties about a pact that would ensure freedom of maritime trade. But the sinking of the steamer Lusitania, torpedoed by a German submarine in May 1915, stopped American mediation. Published on the eve of the Russian Revolution and shortly before the US entered the war, this interview article exposed House's unfulfilled plans and his ongoing fears. The ghostly "League of the Discontented," described in House's words, contained an important underlying motive that pushed America into war. She entered the war in order to prevent an alliance between Germany, Russia and Japan.

Appreciating the young journalist with his rare knowledge of European languages and politics for an American, House introduced Bullitt to the American delegation that was going to negotiations in Paris. On House's recommendation, Bullitt was hired by the State Department in January 1918 under Secretary of State Lansing with a salary of $1,800 a year. With a rare knowledge of Germany and a special interest in Russia, Bullitt sincerely tried to contribute to the cause of peace. For an aspiring journalist of 27, this was a promising assignment. With his multilingual charm and sincere interest in international affairs, the new position promised a quick career. He fully shared the internationalist, left-liberal ideas of the senior members of the American delegation, and above all of his real boss, "Colonel" House.

House remained a mastermind and sponsor of the Progressive Movement and was a longtime supporter of Bullitt; fifteen years later, House would introduce him to Roosevelt. A very influential and reserved person, more of a diplomat than a politician, House left no ideological texts by which to judge his views. His huge diary, published with the respect due to this man, is full of information about his tactical undertakings; strategic goals are better judged by Philip Drew, Administrator.

The 1912 utopian novel tells of the future, predicting a new American Civil War. The action takes place in 1920. The hero of the novel, Philip Drew, is endowed with superhuman abilities, which he uses in the most significant area for the author - political action. A military academy graduate, Drew leads a rebellion against a corrupt president who created a pyramid scheme and deprives the middle class. The still free American press gets the results of wiretapping, which the president himself organized using new technology, and this becomes the last straw that ignited the uprising. In the first battle, Philip Drew wins a decisive victory over the President's troops, occupies Washington, suspends the Constitution, and declares himself Administrator.

The methods of government of the hero of the novel correspond to the socialist ideas of the author: he introduces a progressive tax, reaching up to 70% for the rich, and redistributes funds in favor of the poor, hoping to eliminate unemployment; legally limits the working day and the working week; demands workers' share of the profits and their participation in corporate boards, but deprives them of the right to strike; replaces the system of separation of powers with several emergency committees, to which he himself appoints people according to the criterion of "efficiency"; destroys the self-government of the states, finding it inadequate to the era of the telegraph and steam locomotive. At the same time, he introduces universal suffrage, with particular concern for women's voting rights; provides pensions for the elderly, subsidies to farmers, and finally compulsory health insurance for all workers; fights trade protectionism and customs tariffs, with particular concern for the freedom of maritime trade.

In foreign policy, Drew starts a new war in Mexico, intending to extend his rule to all of Central America and draw European powers, including Germany, into a system of trade alliances that will give them access to colonial resources and relieve tensions leading to war. As a novel, House's writing was not successful; indeed, in plot and style, it is similar to the philosophical novels of the straightforward 18th century, as if the author had not even read Rousseau (although he certainly read Nietzsche and Marx, albeit in retellings).

House reached the pinnacle of his career towards the end of the First World War, and then lived a long life and died on the eve of the Second World War. He probably thought more than once about what he made a mistake in the old romance and what he turned out to be right about. The political program of his hero is sensational; combining the incompatible, it strikes the reader of the 21st century. Undertakings so progressive that some of them still remain the pinnacle of American dreams, combined with a dark cynical authoritarianism.

It is amazing that House, who only a couple of years later will follow the course of the World War and then influence its outcome, did not foresee the nature of this war, but judged it, as usual, according to the model of the past. He spoke shrewdly, however, about another aspect of warfare that would prove to be very important: moral justice and the strategic necessity of treating a defeated enemy generously. After their victory, the American North left the South the most impoverished and uneducated part of the country, and this was unfair: "Well-informed Southerners know that they were made to pay a fine for defeat, such as no one has ever paid in modern times." House went on to talk about the contrast with the Boer War; there "at the end of a long and bloody war, England gave the defeated Boers a huge grant, which helped them to restore order and prosperity in their shaken country." In this context, House wrote that the general of the losing side, Louis Botha, became the prime minister of the new state with the consent of the British, and in the United States after the Civil War there was no southerner in the presidency. Wilson, who became the first Southern president in half a century and, at the time of Drew's publication, was governor of New Jersey and pondering his presidential chances, must have read this reasoning carefully.

Among the later figures of the 20th century, Drew is a lot like Lenin, but since he does not set out to eliminate capitalism, but rather subordinates it to his imperial ideas, one has to recall Mussolini. But the author did not condemn his hero in any way, and the text is completely devoid of irony; his novel expresses a sincere dissatisfaction with democracy, an equally sincere admiration for progress, and a still naive faith in a superman who, in politics, can do what ordinary people will never be able to do. Reflecting an American, non-mystical and purely political version of the combination of Nietzscheanism with socialism, this novel cannot be imagined being written even a few years later, after the revolution in Russia or even after the start of the war in Europe. In analyzing the relationship between Wilson and House in their psychobiography of Wilson, Bullitt and Freud emphasized the influence of House. Having become Wilson's foreign policy adviser, and then the de facto head of his second campaign in 1916, for a long time, until the Paris negotiations, he had no rivals in terms of access to the president. Wilson listened to House's advice and after a while sincerely considered them his own judgments, returning them in this form to House, who accepted and cultivated such attitudes. Some of Wilson's economic innovations—the most successful part of his presidency—repeated, albeit in a diluted form, House's ideas that he had once attributed to Drew. In their book, Freud and Bullitt asserted the significance of House's novel for Wilson's politics: "Wilson's legislative program, carried out from 1912 to 1914, was in large part the program of House's book, Philip Drew, Administrator ... This domestic political program brought remarkable results, and by spring 1914, the internal program of "Philip Drew" was basically carried out. The international program of "Philip Drew" remained unrealized ... Wilson was not then interested in European affairs. House's novel is known to have been read by Wilson; it is obvious that Bullitt read it and continued to remember it many years later; it seems to me unlikely that Freud ever read it. However, the influence of the literary text on political decisions did not seem strange to the founder of psychoanalysis, let alone incredible.

In House's novel, when the administrator hero carries out his plans, he decides to retire from the stage in order to avoid becoming a lifelong dictator. Drew thought up everything perfectly here: he and his faithful girlfriend on the Californian coast are waiting for an ocean yacht that will take them ... where? In this last year as Administrator, Drew is learning "one Slavic language" and even teaching it to his girlfriend, who for the time being does not understand the meaning of this lesson. Together with the voyage across the Pacific Ocean, this detail hints that Drew has now gone to repeat his exploits in Russia. Five years later, as he supervised the drafting of the Fourteen Points, which became the key document of the American peace program, Colonel House would insert the famous comparison of Russia with the "touchstone of goodwill."

House's political utopia partly follows Edward Bellamy's earlier and much more successful novel, Looking Backward (1887); but House was a practical politician, and his recipes are much more specific. His novel is interesting to read, knowing the leading role that its author later played in Democratic administrations from Wilson to Roosevelt. This is a pamphlet novel, the content of which boils down to a sincere rejection of democratic politics, even passionate disappointment in it. Administrator Drew is written like an American Zarathustra, only his area of expertise has been shifted from aesthetics to politics. Behind this is the dream of overcoming democratic politics in much the same way that Nietzsche overcame human nature: by constructing an unreal but desirable entity - a superman, a superpolitics - without a recipe for realizing this dream. The dream itself, however, was characteristic of an elite circle of experts, professors and gentlemen from which Democratic administrations drew foreign policy cadres.

In the mid-1930s, George Kennan, Bullitt's protégé and student who was House's protégé and student, wrote a similar utopian text about changing the American constitution to give the cultural elite special political rights and on that basis move toward authoritarian rule. The project was left unfinished; the author, at that time a career American diplomat, did not publish it. However, his ideas were not a secret from colleagues. In 1936, he wrote to Bullitt about the need for a “strong central government in the United States, much stronger than the present constitution allows for.”

Wilson and his entourage rethought the German concept of idealism, adapting it to American political life. They believed in the superiority of Western civilization, in the universal strength of their own moral ideals, and in the 20th century, the progress of all mankind would replicate the democratic development of America after the Civil War. These ideas unfolded into international politics that asserted a new "progressive" and "idealistic" agenda: the self-determination of peoples in Europe, the decolonization of Asia and Africa, the building of democratic states and their inclusion in global organizations subject to international law. Wilsonian idealists disliked European imperialism and did not see America competing with Germany, Britain, or Russia to build their own empire. But their recognition of nationalism as a political force and their promotion of national self-determination was combined with their perception of American democracy as a universal model that fits the conditions of any nation-state, although it allows for decorative variations, combined, for example, with the monarchy in the British Isles. From the idealism of Wilson there was a direct path to the liberal universalism of American politics during the Cold War and then to the neoconservatism of the early twenty-first century; in Nixon's White House office, for example, there was a portrait of Wilson. Political idealism was opposed by another system of reasoning - political realism. He recognized the irreconcilability of national interests that opposed and oppose each other from positions of strength, and these contradictions cannot be resolved on the basis of reasonable consent. The failures of the Treaty of Versailles, the inability of the League of Nations to prevent the Second World War, decades of superpower confrontation determined the post-war victories of political realism. But American politicians and diplomats did not forget their idealistic legacy either during the Cold War era or after it ended.

The true creator of political idealism, House was preoccupied with quite earthly affairs. Like many others, he was inclined to promote relatives and friends into the administration, which is common in politics, but - in contrast to the crystal clear Wilson - was conspicuous. The board of 150 American professors who formulated and agreed upon the Fourteen Points was headed by a relative of House. A conflict was outlined in the American delegation that went to France to conduct peace negotiations: Wilson forbade the members of the delegation to take their wives with them, but already on board the George Washington steamer he had to meet not only House's wife, but also the wife of his son, whom House besides, he forced Wilson to be his secretary. Then Secretary of State Lansing, a constant opponent of House, accused him of creating a "secret organization" within the Wilson administration that had turned the American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference into a closed club full of secrets and conspiracies.

In fact, however, President Wilson was accompanied by a huge delegation, the largest of the national delegations at the pompous Paris Conference. It included, in particular, expert professors from the unique institute created by House, the prototype of modern think-tanks ("think tanks"), which was called "The Inquiry". The ideas of this institution determined the central of Wilson's famous "Fourteen Points" with which America entered the war. The principle of self-determination of nations belonged to Wilson himself, but its implementation required a detailed knowledge of Europe, which in America only professors had. The professor himself, Wilson, understood this and told his former colleagues: "Tell me what is fair, and I will fight for it."

The executive director of The Inquiry was another young and ambitious intellectual journalist, future critic and rival of Bullitt, Walter Lippman. Having graduated from Harvard in the same issue as John Reed and the later famous poet T. S. Eliot, Lippman was the founder of the Harvard Socialist Club, and then the famous magazine The New Republic. After House, no one contributed more to the formulation of the intellectual program of the Progressive Movement in America than Lippmann. Studied at Harvard under the great American philosophers William James and George Santayana, Lippmann rejected the core idea of democratic theory that the common sense of the common man leads to the public good, and that the task of political institutions is to accommodate the diversity of voices of the common people.

Entering the twentieth century, Lippmann asserted the power of the press and other institutions that shaped the "common sense of the common people" - schools, universities, churches, trade unions. In Introduction to Politics (1913), The Stakes of Diplomacy (1915) and, finally, his most important book, Public Opinion (1922), Lippmann shifted the focus of political criticism from the "common man" to the intellectual elite, and those increasingly sophisticated mechanisms by which the elite forms public opinion, on which it itself depends in a democracy.

After much hesitation, Lippmann supported Wilson in his 1916 election campaign, putting into practice the opinion-forming actions he criticized in his theoretical books. However, Wilson did not accept his candidacy for the post of chief wartime censor and propagandist, giving the new Committee of Public Information to his friend and also journalist George Creel. He created a gigantic organization with 37 departments, hundreds of employees and many thousands of volunteers (at the beginning of 1917, Bullitt also worked in this structure). Lippmann took an active part in military preparations: together with the young Franklin Roosevelt, he organized training camps for military sailors. Later, however, he took over the direction of The Inquiry, which became perhaps the most important ideological work of the war.

John Reid publicly accused Lippmann of betraying the radical ideals of youth; Reed himself was in Mexico at that time, from where he wrote enthusiastic reports about the revolutionary troops of Pancho Villa, who fought against the American imperialists. Lippman answered him that Reed could not be a judge of what he called radicalism: “I,” Lippman wrote, “began this fight much earlier than you, and I will finish it much later.” He turned out to be right. Having lived a long life, he criticized the Roosevelt military administration and then the Cold War from the left, although far from radical positions.

It seems that it was in the era of the idealistic Wilson that disillusionment with democracy developed latently, and it was precisely those who sincerely supported the undertakings of the history professor who became the president of the warring America who shared this feeling. Frustration took many forms, but they were all related to the impossibility of introducing internal reforms in an open democratic way; criticism of those manipulations of the electorate, the press and the markets, which in the 20th century became a necessary part of the executive branch; disbelief that democracy - not only in sinful Europe, but also in fresh, powerful America - will be able to resist the new despotic states, the ideological basis of which was socialism. Associated with this feeling, a kind of melancholy, was a rejection of belief in the moral significance of political action, a critique of human nature and disbelief in its capacity for solidarity and self-organization. And yet it was a new, specifically American feeling: not Russian nihilism, rooted in inescapable alienation from power; not German resentment, the meaning of which was the recognition of irresistible weakness in the face of the enemy; and not French existentialism, a matter of the near future. American thought was looking for pragmatic ways and methods of political life suitable for real implementation in conditions when democracy does not work.

Walter Lippmann understood this situation as the task of a new social science. In democratic politics, Lippman reasoned, people react not to facts but to news; accordingly, the decisive role is played by those many who bring news to the people - journalists, editors, experts. But unlike the political machine with its parties, laws, separation of powers, the work of the information machine is not organized in any way.

After conducting a serious study in 1920 of how the New York Times reported on the events of 1917-1920 in Russia (co-authors analyzed about four thousand articles on this topic), Lippman traced waves of unfounded optimism, which were replaced by waves of acute disappointment and calls for intervention. Neither, Lipman wrote, corresponded to the few well-known events, such as the victory of the Bolsheviks; such news did not allow predicting events and, accordingly, did not help to make political decisions. In general, Lippman characterized the coverage of the Russian Revolution in the best American newspaper as "catastrophically bad." Bad news is worse than no news, he thought. In an attempt to find a bureaucratic solution to this philosophical problem, he proposed the creation of expert councils in each American ministry that would share knowledge with the administration and organize the flow of information in their field. He considered the common source of such information problems to be “the inability of people endowed with self-government to go beyond their random experience and prejudices”, which, from his point of view, is possible only on the basis of the organized construction of a “knowledge machine”. Precisely because governments, universities, newspapers, churches are forced to act on the basis of an incorrect picture of the world, they are not able to counteract the obvious vices of democracy. This was the beginning of public opinion surveys, reader polls, voter pools; in fact, modern sociology began with the recognition of the insufficiency of electoral procedures for public self-government. But Lippmann's career as an expert administrator did not work out. A short time as Wilson's speechwriter and Roosevelt's military training comrade, he forever remained a liberal journalist with a special interest in Russian affairs. It is believed that he coined the expression "Cold War", which he used in a critical spirit. In the 1950s he would become the leading defender of the Soviet Union in the American press against the idea of containment. Here his paths once again converge with Bullitt, and a fierce controversy breaks out between them. One of Lippmann's late journalistic successes was an interview with Khrushchev taken in 1961.

Since public opinion is so important for democratic politics, and experts understand this opinion better than voters and journalists, it means that experts can play a special role in influencing public opinion, in its formation. This next step, after James and Lippmann, was taken by an Austrian immigrant in America and Freud's nephew Edward Bernays. A Cornell graduate, he became a member of the Committee of Public Information set up by Wilson in April 1917 to shape public opinion: "Not propaganda in the German sense," Wilson said, "but propaganda in the true sense of the word: spreading the faith." Then Bernays participated in the American delegation to the Paris talks, and in 1919 opened the first in America and in the world Consultation on public relations, or PR. Bernays coined the term, Public Relations, PR. He advertised soap and fashion, cigarettes for women and, conversely, the fight against smoking. He advertised Freud all his life, and the Manhattan fashion historian sees Bernays's key role as "Freud became Madison Avenue's mentor." He maintained a constant correspondence with Freud, referring to him (but also to Ivan Pavlov) all the time in his works, visiting his uncle during his visits to Europe. He may have introduced Freud to Bullitt, and it is more than likely that he was the source for much that Freud knew about Wilson.

One of the employees of the Committee of Public Information, Edgar Sisson, traveled to Russia in the winter of 1918 and brought back documents that showed that the Bolshevik leaders Lenin and Trotsky were German mercenaries. The American agents in Russia, Colonel Robbins and Major Thatcher, were sympathetic to the Bolsheviks and disputed the authenticity of these documents. Bullitt also did not believe in their authenticity. In his archives, however, a memorandum from the East European Section of the State Department, dated November 18, 1918, and possibly drawn up by Bullitt himself, has been preserved. This document proposed asking the leader of the German Social Democrats, Friedrich Ebert (the soon-to-be President of Germany) "to publish the names of those who were hired by the Political Department of the German General Staff to spread Bolshevik propaganda." Much later, in 1936, as the American ambassador to the USSR, Bullitt wrote to the State Department about former Public Information officer Kenneth Durant, who was a "witness" (and possibly participant) in Sisson's fabrication of documents. According to Bullitt, this slander of the Bolsheviks made such an impression on the young Durant that he became a socialist and worked for the Soviets; in the mid-thirties he was the representative of the USSR Telegraph Agency in the USA.

New technologies for managing public opinion returned power to the hands of the elite, depriving America's political institutions of their democratic foundations. Based on controlled flows of information, power acquired superhuman traits that were projected onto its leader. This third path between idealism and realism I would call political demonism. In Europe it led to upheavals and new wars, but in America it remained an alternative frame of mind, a nihilistic dotted line that permeates the fabric of democratic politics.

Colonel House's "Administrator Drew", Bullitt's scattered words, and finally Kennan's forgotten drafts reveal the latent popularity of these ideas, even among those who helped set the progressive agenda. Then, before Bullitt's eyes, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who also began government service in the Wilson administration, became an incomparable master of public opinion. Bullitt understood his successes and failures this way: “In the invention of political mechanisms and tricks, Roosevelt had no equal. His skill in manipulating American public opinion was second to none. Sometimes he was just a political genius, and it was a great asset to our country when his policy coincided with the national interest. But when he was wrong, the same ability allowed him to lead the country into trouble.

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