April 9th, 2016, 01:36 pm

Not about Korea, but about another country East Asia where big changes are taking place - Myanmar (Burma). To my great regret, our newspaper did not consider an interesting story about the new leader of the country worthy of publication, so I will exhibit it at least at my place. Many thanks to the person who told about all this - Peter Kozma. In general, he knows about Myanmar, if not quite everything, then very, very much ... And he knows how to tell interesting stories. Here's his LJ, by the way ... http://dragon-naga.livejournal.com - there are many interesting things about Myanmar, I advise you to read at least to expand your horizons ...

Below is the text of the interview. Photos inserted just to break up a fairly voluminous text, taken in Myanmar in April and December 2016 (photos from Naypyidaw and Yangon)

Myanmar's new president: gentle, educated and without ambition
Russian expert spoke about the new leader of Myanmar
Oleg Kiryanov (Seoul - Yangon)

On March 30, the inauguration of the new president took place in Myanmar. After several decades of military rule, a civilian president appeared for the first time in the country. Thus, in this one of the largest countries in Southeast Asia, a peaceful transfer of power from the military to the democratic opposition took place. It is noteworthy that the famous Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi did not become the president of the country, and instead of her, a relatively modest politician 69-year-old Thin Zhuo took over the position of No. 1. Why did it happen? What kind of person is the new president of Myanmar? Will he be able to conduct an independent policy and who is behind him? On these and some other questions, on which the future of Myanmar largely depends, we asked the well-known expert on this country, orientalist Peter Kozma, to answer. The expert has been living in Myanmar for many years, is personally acquainted with many local politicians, military personnel, journalists and is closely monitoring the situation in the region.

Let's start not with the new president, but with the “mother of Burmese democracy” Aung San Suu Kyi. After all, she is the leader of the opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), she enjoys impeccable authority, the citizens of Myanmar voted primarily for her in the elections, but she did not take over as president. Why?

Peter Kozma: It was clear in advance that she would not become president. Section III of the country's Constitution, adopted in May 2008, under the previous military regime, contains Article 59, which contains qualifications for the president and vice-presidents of the country. According to paragraph “f” of this article, a candidate for these positions “neither himself, nor one of his parents, nor his spouse, nor any of his lawful children or their spouse, must swear allegiance to a foreign authority, be a subject of a foreign authority or a citizen foreign country. They must not be persons endowed with the rights and privileges of a subject of a foreign government or a citizen of a foreign state. " As you know, Aung San Suu Kyi had a British husband (but, as the lawyers explain, since he died, the fact of this marriage is no longer subject to paragraph “f” of Article 59 of the Constitution), and her two children are British citizens. This does not allow her to be president.

She didn't try to "negotiate" with the military? She has a very great influence and authority….

Kozma: Of course I tried ... Since November 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi sama (having met three times with the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, senior general Min Aung Hline) and through intermediaries (the most active of which was a retired general and chairman of the former parliament, Thura Shwe Man) tried negotiate with the military to have this article of the Constitution abolished. The role of the military in this case is key, because according to the Constitution, 25% of parliamentary mandates are reserved for them, and, according to Article 436 of the Basic Law, an amendment to Article 59 can be adopted only if at least 75% of parliament members vote for it ( after which a nationwide referendum should be held, where the amendment must be approved by a majority of votes of the country's residents included in the voter lists).
Negotiations with the military ended in vain: the military refused to touch the Constitution, fearing, among other things, that the first experience of adopting the amendment would cause an avalanche of such initiatives, which will be much more difficult to resist. Moreover, when a number of NLD lawyers said that they had found a loophole and proposed not to repeal Article 59 (f), but to temporarily suspend it (in their opinion, in this case, a vote by a simple majority of members of parliament would be enough), the military strongly reminded that According to article 20 (f), it is the country's armed forces that are the main guarantor of the observance of the constitution.
As a compromise, voiced by the minister of information of the outgoing government, a former military man Ye Thut, it was proposed not to touch the Constitution, but to advise Aung San Suu Kyi to talk to his sons so that they accept Myanmar citizenship. Aung San Suu Kyi did not formally reject this proposal, although it is clear that the process of granting citizenship is a rather lengthy procedure, and, naturally, it does not have time for the presidential elections. Thus, if Aung San Suu Kyi will ever become president, it will not be now. Amending the Constitution (even if she manages to come to an agreement with the military) is a long procedure, the change of citizenship by sons will also take a lot of time.

It turns out that she is the main influential figure, and everyone else from her entourage, including even the current President Thin Zhuo, cannot compare with her?

Kozma: In reality, this is exactly the case. She completely controls the president and, as it seems, he will continue to be such a “controlled figure”. She carefully selected the candidate for the future formal leader of the country, the choice fell on Thin Zhuo.

Why exactly on him?

Kozma: The search for a candidate for a "decorative" president turned out to be not as easy as it seems at first glance. Too many criteria this person had to meet at the same time.

First, it must be a person without personal ambition and completely devoted to Aung San Suu Kyi. But a "complete vegetable" is not suitable for this position either. The military has already announced that they will not obey the orders of "it is not clear who", especially a person whom someone will manipulate from the outside.

Hence the second criterion: it should still be a person who, despite the absence of imperious ambitions (even potential), would represent something. At the very least, he should have had an excellent education and good manners, possess high level culture, to demonstrate their talents in some intellectual field, it is good to speak English. Plus, he should inspire respect with his appearance - if not with a military bearing, then with the charisma of an educated intellectual.
And there was one more important point: Myanmar politicians usually get complex when they are photographed with some European colleagues. If at ASEAN meetings they are all about the same height, then next to many representatives of the West, the Myanmans look too short. By the way, for the local official photojournalists there is a special instruction: to photograph tall guests with their Myanmar interlocutors only when everyone is already seated in their chairs. Therefore, the election of a high president, who, moreover, would not be ashamed to present to the rest of the world as a cultural intellectual would be a worthy "super task" for Myanmar, which is tired of poorly educated generals with the appearance of provincial accountants or collective farm chairmen. That is, the president's “decorativeness” should have been compensated for by his intellect, good manners, tall stature and representative appearance... Thin Zhuo is very tall for a Myanmar - at least 6 feet (that is, 183 centimeters), as people who know him say.

Thirdly, this president must be hand and foot connected with the NLD and owes everything to it. That is, a theoretical break with the NLD (that is, in fact, with Aung San Suu Kyi) should be fraught with loss of face and reputation for him.
That is why, by the way, another of the candidates under consideration was clearly not suitable for the presidency - Dr. Tin Myo Win, who for many years was the personal doctor of Aung San Suu Kyi. With a dissident past and all his fame as a public figure in the democratic camp, he was too independent and self-sufficient for Aung San Suu Kyi - in other words, he did not have ropes to pull him by in order to control him. And Aung San Suu Kyi's open distrust and suspicious attitude towards the nationwide independent politicians of the democratic camp was very clearly manifested during the formation of the NLD list for nomination by territorial constituencies for parliamentary elections - practically no such figure, formally not tied to the NLD, is included in the list was not.

There was another danger, which was actively discussed by the Myanmar press. The fact is that even if the president is a man without ambition, his office is still the center of power around which a certain group of people will inevitably consolidate - the president cannot do without experts, advisers and consultants in his work. This means that sooner or later a kind of “collective president” will emerge, when the king will be “played” by his entourage, in which, by definition, there will be ambitious and grasping people. This "collective president", if he imperceptibly gains apparatus power and influence, may one day "swallow" not only the formal figure of the head of state, but also become a center of power independent of Aung San Suu Kyi. That is why the NLD leader as head of state required not only a personally loyal person, but also an experienced managerial bureaucrat who would not allow others to play with his name and strangle the idea of ​​such a “collective president” in the bud. With all these factors in mind, at some point for Aung San Suu Kyi, all the stars converged on a nominee named Thin Zhuo.



Some Western media said that "Aung San Suu Kyi has nominated her driver for the presidency of the country." Is this true?

Kozma: If every person who gives you a lift in their car is your driver, then yes. Thin Zhuo did drive Aung San Suu Kyi through difficult times. But you need to understand that she, with her fame, would easily find herself a professional driver from among her supporters who would be ready to work for her for free. Thin Zhuo got behind the wheel of the car with Aung San Suu Kyi, because he believed that if he was with her, then in which case he would help her avoid unpleasant incidents.

And the negative reaction of Myanmans to the headlines that "Aung San Suu Kyi has nominated her driver for the presidency," in my opinion, is caused by the fact that Thin Zhuo, before his nomination in Myanmar, practically no one knew even in the party - not to mention all over the country. All information about his human and intellectual qualities comes from Aung San Suu Kyi, whom many Myanmar people fanatically believe, and very painfully react to someone's attempts to doubt the correctness of her words and actions - very often they even show aggression. That is, the hint that the president is an ordinary chauffeur was perceived as an attack personally on Aung San Suu Kyi, because Thin Zhuo is her personal choice.

By the way, I saw how Myanmans studying in Russia and knowing Russian on Facebook discussed the headline of an article in one of the leading Russian newspapers - "Driver for Burma". It is clear that they did not feel the second meaning of this Russian phrase, and in its literal sound it seemed to them insulting in relation to their country and its leader.

How do Thin Zhuo and Aung San Suu Kyi know each other?

Kozma: Thin Zhuo is one year younger than Aung San Suu Kyi. Their fathers also maintained friendly relations, and therefore he is well acquainted with the NLD leader with school years... We can say that they are friends, if it is possible in politics and with such a difference in influence. They studied together at the prestigious English Methodist School (now No. 1 High School in Central Yangon's Dagon District). Although Thin Zhuo was two grades younger than Aung San Suu Kyi, they have been friends since school years - that is, their good relationship has lasted for more than half a century. As a result, today he is one of the most trusted long-term friends of Aung San Suu Kyi, while he never "pulled the blanket over himself" and did not try not to be in the spotlight.
The degree of trust in him on the part of Aung San Suu Kyi is evidenced by the fact that Thin Zhuo heads a charitable foundation named after the mother of the NLD leader Khin Zhi, the wife of General Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi - approx. "RG").

You said that Thin Zhuo's father and Aung San Suu Kyi's father were friends, which largely determined the friendship between the two current politicians. A few words about the president's father, please.

Kozma: Father Thin Zhuo is a famous writer, poet and public figure Wu Woon (1909-2004). He went down in literary history under the name Min Tu Wun. Among the ancestors of Min Tu Wun (who was born on the territory of the present state of Mon) were Mon and Burmese, so we can say that in his son Thin Zhuo there is also a lot of Mon blood. Min Tu Woon is a graduate of the University of Rangoon (1935), and the University of Oxford (1939). After returning from the UK at Rangoon University, he met and became friends with student leader Aung San, the future national hero of Burma and father of Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1990, Min Tu Wun, already being the patriarch of the democratic camp, a famous writer and public figure, was elected MP from the National League for Democracy (as you know, the military authorities refused to transfer power to the winning NLD and obstructed the work of the newly elected parliament). After that, his works and literary creativity were banned, and he himself was deprived of the opportunity to publicly speak and teach. It should be noted that Thin Zhuo has a good heredity - his father lived for 95 years.

One of the main expressive features of the new president of Mnyama - high growth - we have understood. What else interesting can you say about him?

Kozma A: In a few months, Thin Zhuo will celebrate his 70th birthday - he was born on July 20, 1946. As I said, the president has a lot of Mon blood, but which blood is more - Burmese or Mon - it is difficult to say (yes, this is probably not so important).
The first name Thin Zhuo, which he received at the age of three months, was Dala Ban (there was such a famous Mon warrior). Apparently, his father, giving him this name, not only wanted to emphasize the fact that Mon blood flows in his son, but also to "program" with the help of this name the son's ability to win victories on the path of life. It is interesting that when Thin Zhuo took up literary work, he chose this pseudonym for himself - Dala Ban.

Is the current President of Myanmar a famous writer?

Kozma: To be honest, very few people from Myanmar have ever read his literary works (and he mainly wrote stories and articles). It is clear that now many will strive to make up for lost time, and in addition, after decades of the rule of generals, the figure of the writer at the highest government post is so in demand in society that in a year many Myanmarians will say for sure that they have read the stories of Thin Zhuo with pleasure since childhood. ...
The most famous book Thin Zhuo - about the life of his father, Min Tu Wun.

Thank you, interesting. Where did the president study? How did his life develop after school?

Kozma: Thin Zhuo was educated first at the Rangoon University of Science and Art (in the department that will later become the independent Yangon Institute of Economics) with a specialization in statistics. Then he worked for a short time at the computer center of the university. In 1971 he was sent to study at the University of London, where he studied computer technology. Subsequently, his education continued at the Arthur D. Little School of Management (Cambridge, Massachusetts), in addition, he trained in Japan. In 1975, he received a Master's degree in Computer Science from Rangoon University. Some biographies of Thin Zhuo write that he graduated from Oxford (in the years when he was just studying in the UK), but, obviously, this is erroneous information, which appeared due to the fact that his father graduated from Oxford at one time. ...
In Burma, Thin Zhuo worked as a teacher and made a career in the bureaucratic line. His first place of work after returning from the UK was in 1975 at the Department of Industry, and five years later he moved to the Department of Planning and Treasury, where he rose to the position of Deputy Director of the Department of International Economic Relations. In 1992, he retired from the civil service, and from the mid-1990s he began to accept Active participation in the activities of the National League for Democracy.

Knowledgeable people emphasize his excellent education, undoubted literary ability, fluency in English. Separately, it is noted his bureaucratic and teaching experience, as well as the lack of desire at any cost to attract attention to his own person. Thin Zhuo is usually spoken of as a cultured person with a low voice and smooth, gentle demeanor. One of his friends told reporters that he had never seen him angry. Another notes that being next to him, you always feel that he is a “reliable person”.
It is noteworthy that in many recent photographs he walks a step behind Aung San Suu Kyi, and at the same time often talks about something in mobile phone... According to people from the circle of Aung San Suu Kyi, this is how, on the go, he often resolved current issues with the NLD leader, and then, having a good memory, recorded the agreements on paper.

Unlike many of his comrades in the democratic movement, he practically did not sit behind bars, but in September 2000, after Aung San Suu Kyi's attempt with several NLD activists (including Thin Zhuo) to go to Mandalay, all the same for four months ended up in the infamous Yangon prison Insein. Inmates recalled him as an attentive, intelligent and kind person who distributed food parcels brought to him from home among other prisoners.

It turns out that the president is such a rather gentle person, personally loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and without any special personal ambitions?

Kozma: Perhaps, yes. Based on what I have said, it is already possible to understand how Thin Zhuo matches the role of the "decorative president" prepared for him by his school friend. Although, it seems to me, it is worth mentioning another important factor that undoubtedly influenced the choice made by the NLD leader. The fact is that Thin Zhuo is tall.

You already said that he should look like an equal with Western politicians. Is there another subtext?

Kozma: People who know the character of Aung San Suu Kyi say that it was clearly not without her personal "hairpin" against the military, who actually closed (at least for now) her way to the presidency.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Min Aung Hlain, is even slightly lower than Aung San Suu Kyi, and she herself is a very diminutive woman. As a result, next to the president at official ceremonies, the commander-in-chief will look very comical - like a boy next to an adult. It seems like Aung San Suu Kyi chose to hurt her opponents in this way.

What can you say about the "first lady of Myanmar" - the wife of Thin Zhuo? Have you ever heard that she has a very strong influence on her husband?

Kozma: Not without it, but this is a topic for a separate conversation. If we take dry facts, then the wife of the President of Myanmar is called Su Su Lwin. She is also a veteran NLD activist. Graduated from high school in Rangoon in 1970. Su Su Lwin is a linguist by training, and she is proud that she had the opportunity to study English with British professors who came to the country through the British Council. During the war years, she worked for a non-governmental organization that carried out educational projects. Since the 2012 by-election, she has been a member of the lower house of parliament (Pitu Hluto) from the NLD, and recently, after the start of the new parliament, she was elected to the position of head of the parliamentary committee on international affairs.

Another small request. Unfortunately, Myanmar is not a very well-known country for us. As I understand it, our media are often confused in the names of leading politicians, in some facts. They can pass off the same person as two, indicating different transliterations of the same Burmese name. If not difficult, please help us and name the most important figures in the leadership of Myanmar and political circles.

Kozma: We can say that Aung San Suu Kyi tried to make life as easy as possible for those people who write about Myanmar - she took four ministerial positions at once: head of the Foreign Ministry, the ministries of energy and education, and also became the minister of the presidential office. The latter position is especially important: there is no prime minister in Myanmar, and the president is the chief executive. That is, the minister of the presidential office (if we do not take into account the figures of vice presidents, each of whom has his own specific area of ​​responsibility) is actually the second person in the country's civil bureaucratic hierarchy. By the way, judging by the recent legislative initiative of the NLD, especially for Aung San Suu Kyi, the deputies are ready to introduce another special position with broad powers - a "state adviser", which, judging by the statements of experts, will allow Aung San Suu Kyi to maintain control over parliament even after the addition from himself as a deputy in connection with the transition to work in the government.

That is why, taking into account the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi consistently implements his intention to be "above the president," the formal head of state Thin Zhuo and the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces, Min Aung Hline, should apparently not be mentioned in first, and secondly.

As for the figures of the vice-presidents, there are two of them: the military is represented by General Myin Sve, and the second vice-president is the representative of the Chin people, Christian Henry Van Thio, who also represents the now ruling NLD.

Myanmar is a popular tourist destination, a country with a huge history, open people and traditional Asian attachment to traditions. Previously, the state was called the Republic of the Union of Burma, or Burma for short, but in 1989, along with a change in the political course of the authorities, a complete reconstruction of the regalia came, which laid the foundation for the further development of the country. Today, Myanmar is the largest center for recreational and spiritual activity in Asia, advocates for democratic movements around the world and strives to refrain from conflicts in the international arena, at least until recently.

Location and geolocation features

For tourists, the question “where is Burma and what kind of country is Myanmar” arises even at the stage of considering travel options. The fact is that this name is an accustomed archaism in relation to this state... The population of the former Burma itself has an extremely negative attitude towards the nickname and in every possible way emphasizes the fact of the changes in regalia that have occurred. Geographically, Myanmar is located in the west, bordered by India and Bangladesh, China, Laos and Thailand. The total area of ​​the state is 678 sq. km., and the length of the coastline is 1930 kilometers.

Most of the area of ​​the former Burma is influenced by the subequatorial and tropical climate, as a result of which the weather is humid and hot. Only a few months are relatively cold - from late October to mid-February. In the cool period, the average temperature is 13-15 degrees Celsius, less often - 10. Frosts are possible in mountainous regions, in summer the temperature rises to 41 degrees. Due to the high humidity and heat, it is common for tourists to visit Myanmar from August to September.

Economic potential

“Where is Burma? What kind of country with such a conservative course? " - it is enough to answer these two questions to describe the economic potential of the state. The former Burma is located between several large neighbors, in an area where expensive timber is abundant and there are valleys adapted for plantations. The lion's share of GDP (over 40%) is accounted for by the agricultural sector. Rice, legumes, sugar cane are grown on the territory of the country, it is the latter that is exported to Asian countries. Among the population, more than 70% are involved in the agricultural sector, in contrast, the sphere of consulting and IT technologies is the least popular.

Industry, mainly manufacturing, accounts for 20% of GDP. The lion's share of exports, more than 50% (according to data for 2016), comes from Thailand, which is Burma's strategic partner. From minerals, gold, oil, tin, iron ore are massively mined, there are enterprises for the processing of tungsten. This industry employs only 7% of the population. In the industrial segment, from the point of view of the state, industries for the extraction and processing of precious and semiprecious stones are priority. Myanmar not only processes such a luxury resource, but also successfully supplies it overseas.

The national kyat is floating against the dollar. Regardless of the US embargo and tensions, tourists continue to fill the Burma market with foreign capital. You can exchange currency in the country not only at the bank, but also on the black market.

Tourist destination

The government of Myanmar emphasizes the openness of the state in terms of contacts with the world community and supports recreational principles among society. The former Burma is poised to offer tourists a warm climate, low beach density due to its proximity to Thailand, and powerful infrastructure. A tangible advantage of Myanmar in this segment is access to two bays and the sea, an extensive coastline allows you to choose a resort for recreation, depending on the preferences of the tourist.

Despite the rather tough censorship carried out by the authorities in relation to the indigenous population, any restrictions do not significantly affect tourists. In comparison with similar resorts, it is worth noting only slightly stricter laws in relation to the behavior of tourists in public places and restrictions on movement in certain areas. Travelers themselves are attracted to a greater extent by the former capital of the state - Yangon, where the Shwedagon pagoda is located. Also interesting are the temples, the least developed in terms of the infrastructure of the city, since bama (the self-name of the people of Myanmar) has an impressive history and a desire to preserve traditions. The main interest of tourists is not the capital of Myanmar, Naypyidaw, but more remote areas.

A set of rules that tourists must study

For more than 60 years, a rather strict "special regime" operated on the territory of Myanmar, when the country was fenced off from the outside world by a military dictatorship. At the moment, the former Burma is open to tourists and travelers, but there are a number of rules on the territory of the state that should be followed both in more civilized areas and in the wilderness. It is prohibited to export Myanmar currency, but the restriction does not apply to foreign currency. Any amounts above 2 thousand dollars are subject to mandatory declaration; they are exchanged within a state bank or other large counterparties.

It is forbidden to export any images or figures of Buddha, items of historical or national heritage, cultural values ​​from the country. Anti-government or prohibited religious literature may not be imported into the country, household appliances cameras, they may be asked to be left in the storage compartment. There are few such precedents, but it is still worth bearing in mind the existence of such an order. It is not possible to move freely everywhere in the country. The echoes of the military regime are still strong in Myanmar. There is a separate card for tourists. If violated, a foreigner can be deported and even detained with subsequent arrest.

Internet coverage in the private sector is rather poor in Myanmar. Internet access is provided through Internet cafes, content is regulated by the government. Access to a number of sites, blogs and pages on the Internet is severely restricted, as such information is recognized as anti-government. For tourists, it is always better to check this point with a travel agency or directly on the spot. Every traveler must be familiarized with the complete list of rules of conduct and good manners. The latter can cause a serious conflict if a foreigner shows disrespect for the shrines or traditions of the country. So, for example, when entering a house or temple, you should definitely take off your shoes, while trying not to show your feet to the public, which is an insult. In fairness, it should be noted that most of the restrictions are designed to secure foreigners visiting the country.

History of Myanmar and the formation of traditions

The history of the state of Burma itself begins in 1948, when the country gained independence from Great Britain as a result of World War II. In 1962, a socialist republic was formed under the control of the military and with close ties with the USSR. The state of Burma existed for a relatively short time. The coup in 1988 returned the name of the state to Myanmar and changed course towards political independence. Until 2011, to a greater or lesser extent, the country was ruled by the military. In particular, the leader of Myanmar, who at that time was Senior General Than Shwe, was one of the initiators of the "special situation" associated with censorship and tight control from the executive branch.

Population and mentality

The population of Myanmar (Burma) consists of two ethnic groups - Monas and Burmese. Now it is multiethnic and has over 100 nationalities. It is noteworthy that the Monas, who are called the indigenous population of Burma, since the Burmese migrated to the country's territory from China, make up no more than 2-2.5% of the current state of the country's ethnic group. Most of them were assimilated by the Burmese with a cross-cultural intersection of traditions. The total population is 51.5 million people.

The current leader of Myanmar has proclaimed the country's openness towards other nationalities and followers of various religions. Bama was originally influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. Today, the number of mosques and adherents of Islam is growing in the country, right up to the conflict in August-September 2017, when the Rohingya ethnic group, which the government calls illegal, was persecuted. The main religion of Burma is Buddhism. However, the population of Myanmar (Burma) is tolerant of various confessions. The official language of Burma is Burmese, with a number of dialects stemming not only from religious differences, but also from past Mongol interventions.

The religious center for Buddhists is the Pindaya settlement, famous for its caves. Here, according to the followers of the Theravada Buddhist school, all significant ministries for shana, and beliefs in general, have taken place over the past few decades. Several caves have been carved into the rock, but most of the complex is of natural origin. More than 8 thousand statues of Buddha were hidden here, a golden mortar, extremely relevant for the adherents of the confession.

Drug export and crime

Where Burma is located and what kind of country is hiding under this name has left an imprint on the development of the black market and criminal elements within the state. Myanmar has great potential for smuggling by sea routes, and many border areas are unprotected. On the territory of Burma itself, there are drug plantations where opium is grown. In terms of the prevalence of this segment, Myanmar is second only to Afghanistan and honorably occupies one of the places of the "Golden Triangle", a territorial region controlled by a number of criminal organizations that have been supplying drugs to the West since the beginning of the 20th century.

Due to the prevalence of drugs, as well as the market for them, crime is raging in Myanmar. The most attractive areas for tourists are controlled by the police, and sometimes by the regular army of Burma, but there is a trend towards an increase in the number of crimes on the territory of most of the state. One of the directions of the new government is openness, President Thin Zhuo abolished the special regime in the country and proclaimed the fight against crime.

Political system

Currently, the post of President of Myanmar is Thin Zhuo, the Prime Minister is Aung San Suu Kyi, and her cabinet controls issues related to migrants. A quarter of the seats in the government remain with the military, but there is no longer such closeness, which was characteristic of Burma before. Despite numerous Western sanctions, the country is actively concluding trade agreements and participating in the world arena as a player.

The government of Myanmar is trying to neutralize the problem of clashes between ethnic groups within the country by reaching a compromise, however, according to the assurances of the press and the opinion of world-class politicians, the persecution of certain members of society within Myanmar continues. The state apparatus is located in the capital of Myanmar - Naypyidaw. This area is considered one of the most developed in the country.

Conflict in Myanmar: Causes

There are several reasons for the conflict in Myanmar, depending on the adherence to a particular confession, as well as the political course. Recall that in August-September 2017, a number of clashes occurred in the state of Rakhine (Arakan), as a result of which representatives of the Rohingya suffered. In the CIS countries, adherents of Islam spoke out in support of their fellows in Burma. The government of Burma itself emphasizes the illegal status of this ethnic group, calling the persecuted citizens refugees from Bangladesh. The adherents of Islam believe such inaction of the state apparatus is criminal, and the reason for the clashes is the government's fear of a "new point of jihad."

The cause of the conflict in Myanmar is also believed to be the desire of politicians to radically change course and return to "market relations". There have even been speculations about foreign influence on the current state of affairs in Burma. Note that the current leader of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Burma and Prime Minister Aung San Suu Kyi has the status of a laureate Nobel Prize peace, as a result of which its inaction is subjected to numerous criticism from the opposition. The conflict in Myanmar escalated last year, when a wave of attacks on state institutions and border posts erupted in the state. Then the government introduced a regular army into the region. At the moment, the conflict is in a passive state.

The third opinion regarding the causes of the conflict in Myanmar is due to the "Arakan massacre", during the historical period of the occupation of a part of the country by Japan. In 1942, there was a massive clash between the Rohingya and the Burmese who supported the invaders. The locals supported the Japanese, while the Rohingya troops were armed with British weapons and sided with the Allies. In view of this long-standing conflict, the contradictions between ethnic groups are still fresh. In the history of Myanmar, there are several precedents similar to the events of the current period, in 2012 and 2013.

Is Burma dangerous for tourists?

When visiting the most developed and civilized centers of the country - no. Those areas where the conflict is developing most acutely are limited to visits and are controlled by troops, as a result of which it is difficult to penetrate into their territory. Subject to the moral norms of society and moderate behavior, the Burmese will seem to tourists to be friendly and benevolent people. In terms of attractiveness as a recreational center, Myanmar occupies a fairly high position. Otherwise, the territory of the state remains developed at the level of the countries of the "third world" and rather poor.

Developed crime still has a serious impact on Myanmar, as opium distribution channels are dictated by the massive supply and conspiracy. There is no direct threat to the life of a tourist, however, when traveling to Burma, you should follow the agency's instructions and limit yourself to a number of places open to viewing.

So where is Burma and what country is so closed to society? Myanmar remains one of the most colorful countries in Asia, as it combines many cultural heritage from different ethnic groups. Unfortunately, this is precisely the reason for the constant conflicts on the territory of the country and clashes based on differences in religious views. As a recreational country, Myanmar is popular and can offer foreigners a wide variety of holiday destinations, but as an economic agent and political player in the former British colony, there is still a long way to go.

Gleb Alexandrovich Ivashentsov,
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia,
member of the Russian Council on International Affairs,
specially for RISS

On March 30, the new President of Myanmar (former Burma), Thin Zhuo, was sworn in - the country's first civilian president since the 1962 military coup. Thin Zhuo is a member of the former opposition People's League for Democracy (NLD) party led by the daughter of Burmese national hero General Aung San, “the democratic icon of Myanmar” and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for a long time under the military regime. Aung San Suu Kyi herself, despite her popularity, is deprived of the opportunity to become president, since her two sons are British subjects, and the Constitution of Myanmar prohibits persons with close foreign relatives from holding the post of head of state.

In these conditions, the winning party had only one way out - to appoint a "trusted president", whose activities, according to the NLD's definition, would be directed by Aung San Suu Kyi. Her childhood friend Thin Zhuo, 70, became such an appointee, chosen by the party leader.

Are the military leaving?

Before our eyes, a kind of governance model is emerging in Myanmar, taking into account both the principles of Western democracy and the role of the army in the life of the country over the past decades. According to the 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, in the bicameral All-Union Parliament and 14 legislative assemblies of the regions, 25% of seats are reserved for representatives of the army, who vote as a single bloc by order of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Simultaneously with the taking of the oath of office by Thin Zhuo as President of Myanmar, the post of the first vice-president of the country was taken by the representative of the military faction, Lieutenant General Myin Shvey. The second vice president was NLD Councilor of Nationalities MP Henry Van Thio, a native of Chin, Christian by faith, whose nomination for the post of vice president should confirm the NLD's line of interaction with the country's ethnic and religious minorities. According to the 2008 Constitution, the commander-in-chief appoints three power ministers - defense, internal affairs and border protection. On the National Defense and Security Council, which is formally chaired by the president, six of the 11 members are from the army.

The role of the army in the life of Myanmar

The significant role of the army in the life of Myanmar is determined by a number of circumstances. The main one is that by the time Burma gained independence from Great Britain in 1948, in this country, unlike, say, India, there was essentially no national civil political elite capable of taking control of the state. On the one hand, the British colonial authorities limited the admission of ethnic Burmese to the government as much as possible. On the other hand, there were no ethnic Burmese among the more or less influential entrepreneurs of colonial Burma: big business was in the hands of the British, medium and small business was in the hands of the Indians and Chinese. At the same time, during the years of World War II, powerful armed forces were formed in Burma, at the head of which were initially patriotic young people who were not bad at all. educated people... Therefore, the army has historically acted in Burma as the main bearer of the national idea.

The army also twice in the history of independent Burma prevented the country from sliding into the abyss of anarchy. The first time this happened at the turn of the 50-60s of the twentieth century, when the first constitutional government of multi-ethnic Burma, headed by the Buddhist Democrat U Nu, could not cope with separatist uprisings on the national outskirts, the economic crisis and rampant corruption, and the collapse of the country General Ne Win, who in 1962 established a regime of his personal power, prevented by harsh military methods.

For the second time, the army decided the fate of the country in 1988, when spontaneous popular protests against political oppression and Ne Win's experiments in building “Burmese socialism” were intervened by criminals released from prison, engaged in robbery and atrocities, and the civil opposition corroded by groupism was powerless to curb them.

After establishing order in the country, the "new military junta" attempted to return to a democratic form of government. In 1990, its highest organ, the Council of State for Law and Order, held multi-party elections. The generals, however, underestimated the degree of popular dissatisfaction with the rule of the military and, hoping to remain at the helm as before, did not prepare in advance a new constitution that would determine the ways of forming and functions of the future government. When the opposition NLD won the overwhelming majority in the elections, which in practice represented the assembly of all former small democratic groups united only by rejection of the military regime, the authorities, not wanting to repeat the anarchy of 1988, refused to recognize the election results.

Long road to "restructuring" in Myanmar

The generals of Myanmar have long studied the experience of their neighbors, primarily in Thailand and Indonesia, in the transition from an authoritarian to a more liberal form of government. For twenty years, a new constitution was being drafted for the country, which would open the way to multiparty elections, while maintaining control over the development of the political process, which Yangon strategists called "disciplined prosperous democracy." This constitution was submitted to a popular referendum in 2008, which received the approval of more than 92% of the electorate.

In November 2010, general parliamentary elections were held in the country, and from under the many years house arrest the iconic opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi has been released. During the first session of the All-Union Parliament in January-February 2011, heads of legislative, executive and judicial structures were elected. The head of the military regime, Senior General Than Shwe, resigned, and his successor as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlain, the Minister of Defense and other military leaders took a subordinate position to the new formally civilian leaders and by no means "crushed" the new structure of power.

Many in Myanmar itself and abroad expected the new government to be simply a revision of the old regime in civilian guise. But then-elected President Thein Sein, a former military man, immediately embarked on sweeping political and economic reforms that no one could have imagined for 50 years.

Why did the military leadership take such drastic steps? Undoubtedly, the sanctions that the West declared to the military regime of Myanmar after the non-recognition of the results of the 1990 elections were of some importance. But it seems that the main reason was that the 2008 constitution guaranteed control of the military over the situation in the country. Civil opposition and ethnic minorities got the opportunity to have their say in politics, and private business - in the economy, but at the same time all the old power and control structures... Undoubtedly, the personal qualities of such leaders as Than Shwe, Thein Sein and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlain, their belief in the need and inevitability of changes in order to bring Myanmar out of isolation, to ensure economic recovery, to a large extent, also played a role. through the development of civic initiative, and remove opposition from the West. The five years between the 2010 and 2015 elections became a kind of trial period.

The 2015 parliamentary elections and the 2016 presidential elections marked a profound turning point in Myanmar's development. There are essentially two centers of power in the new government - representatives of the former democratic opposition led by the cult leader Aung San Suu Kyi and people from the former military elite, which suppressed this opposition for decades. The solution to the problems facing the country depends on how the NLD, intoxicated with electoral success, but having neither administrative experience nor qualified personnel, will be able to build interaction with the military, who have both experience and personnel. How will President Thin Zhuo, who has never been a public politician and took over as head of state only because he was a school friend of Aung San Suu Kyi, will dispose of her powers, and, finally, how will Aung San Suu Kyi herself, by her own definition, “standing over the president ".

Already today, only at the initial stage of "perestroika", there is an exacerbation of ethnic and social conflicts. In Shan and Kachin states, there are serious armed clashes that could undermine the very fragile process of reconciliation between the center and ethnic movements on the outskirts. If, in the context of the current democratization, ethnic movements demand concessions from the central government, and the NLD representatives in this government declare their readiness to make concessions, how will the military respond to this?

The Muslim issue is also becoming very topical in Myanmar. Moreover, it is not only a matter of tense relations between the Buddhist majority of the population of Rakhine State and the Muslim Rohingya communities in the regions of Rakhine bordering Bangladesh. IN last years everywhere in Myanmar there is a rise of a kind of Buddhist nationalism, which to a certain extent was fueled by the military regime. The most radical organization of Buddhist nationalists, the so-called Buddhist Association for Race and Religion, demands legislative restrictions on the rights of Muslims. How will the NLD respond to this, emphasizing its tolerance in every possible way?

The situation with drug production is also of serious concern. Shan State accounts for 91% of the opium poppy cultivation in the Southeast Asian Golden Triangle. The previous military regime ensured a steady decline in the production of opium in Myanmar at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century - the area occupied by poppy seeds in Myanmar decreased from 1996 to 2004 from 160 thousand to 44 thousand hectares. However, in recent times Again, there is an increase in both the area under poppy seeds - up to 55 thousand hectares in 2015, and the production of opium: if in 2004, Myanmar produced 370 tons of opium, then in 2015 - 730 tons. Easing control undoubtedly played a role law enforcement agencies over the situation in the transition to civilian rule.

As for foreign policy, the factor that works in favor of the new government is that none of the external forces - neither China, nor ASEAN partners, nor the West - want Myanmar to become another hotbed of international tension. At the same time, the new government should build its line in international affairs in such a way that the reconciliation with the West, which the NLD is aiming at, does not arouse any suspicion on the part of China, Myanmar's main economic partner, with which the former military regime had almost allied relations. ...

According to the intention of one of the participants in Wikipedia, this place should be located special section.
You can help by writing this section.

List of Prime Ministers of Myanmar (Burma) (1948 - present)

see also

• Myanmar

Write a review on the article "Prime Minister of Myanmar"

Notes (edit)

The second princess just left the patient's room with tear-stained eyes and sat down beside Dr. Lorrain, who was sitting in a graceful pose under the portrait of Catherine, leaning his elbows on the table.
“Tres beau,” said the doctor, answering a question about the weather, “tres beau, princesse, et puis, a Moscou on se croit a la campagne. [beautiful weather, princess, and then Moscow looks so much like a village.]
"N" est ce pas? [Isn't that so?] - said the princess, sighing. - So can he drink?
Lorrain considered.
- Did he take the medicine?
- Yes.
The doctor looked at the Breguet.
- Take a glass of boiled water and put une pincee (he showed with his thin fingers what une pincee means) de cremortartari ... [a pinch of cremortartar ...]
- Do not drink, listen, - the German doctor said to the adjutant, - that from the third blow the shiv remained.
- And what a fresh man he was! - said the adjutant. - And who will this wealth go to? He added in a whisper.
“There will be a performer,” the German answered, smiling.
All again looked at the door: it creaked, and the second princess, having made the drink shown by Lorrain, carried it to the patient. The German doctor went up to Lorrain.
- Still, maybe it will reach tomorrow morning? Asked the German, speaking badly in French.
Lorrain pursed his lips and waved his finger sternly and negatively in front of his nose.
“Tonight, not later,” he said quietly, with a decent smile of complacency in the fact that he clearly knows how to understand and express the patient's position, and walked away.

Meanwhile, Prince Vasily opened the door to the princess's room.
The room was half dark; only two lamps burned in front of the images, and they smelled good of incense and flowers. The whole room was installed with small furniture, wardrobes, cupboards, tables. Behind the screens were the white bedspreads of the high down bed. The dog barked.
"Oh, is that you, mon cousin?"
She got up and straightened her hair, which always, even now, was so unusually smooth, as if it had been made from one piece with the head and varnished.
- What, something happened? She asked. “I’m already so scared.
- Nothing, everything is the same; I just came to talk to you, Katish, about the matter, ”said the prince, wearily sitting down on the chair from which she had risen. - How hot you are, however, - he said, - well, sit down here, causons. [let's talk.]
- I thought, did something happen? - said the princess, and with her unchanging, stone-stern expression on her face, she sat down opposite the prince, preparing to listen.
“I wanted to sleep, mon cousin, and I can't.
- Well, what, my dear? - said Prince Vasily, taking the princess's hand and bending it down, according to his habit.
It was evident that this "well, what" referred to many things that, without naming, they both understood.
The princess, with her incongruously long legs, dry and straight waist, looked straight and impassively at the prince with bulging gray eyes. She shook her head and looked at the images with a sigh. Her gesture could be explained both as an expression of sadness and devotion, and as an expression of fatigue and hope for a speedy rest. Prince Vasily explained this gesture as an expression of weariness.

fix

RUSSIAN-MYANMAN RELATIONS

Diplomatic relations between the USSR and Burma (the former name of Myanmar) were established on February 18, 1948. The Soviet Union provided this country with substantial technical and material assistance. In particular, a technological institute and a hotel in Yangon were built, as well as a hospital in Taungji. In 1955 and 1960, N.S. Khrushchev visited Myanmar. Since the 1970s. two-way communications did not differ in activity.

In December 1991, Myanmar recognized Russia as the successor state of the USSR. A notable event in Russian-Myanmar relations was the official visit to Russia of the Deputy Chairman of the State Council for Peace and Development of Myanmar in 2006.

On May 19, 2016, on the sidelines of the anniversary Russia-ASEAN summit in Sochi, President of Russia Vladimir Putin held a conversation with President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (RSM) Thin Zhuo, during which the parties stated their interest in further promoting the entire range of bilateral relations.

The Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev met with the President of Myanmar, Thein Sein, on the sidelines of the East Asian summits in November 2014 (Naypyidaw) and in November 2015 (Kuala Lumpur).

In June 2015, as part of his working visit to Russia, RSM Vice President Nyan Tong organized his negotiations with the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev, Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation A.V. Dvorkovich, the ministers of economic development, industry and trade.

In February 2012, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar paid a working visit to Russia. In January 2013, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Naypyidaw. In July 2016, on the sidelines of ASEAN ministerial events in Vientiane, Sergey Lavrov met with State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi. Inter-MFA consultations are being held at the level of deputy heads of foreign affairs agencies; the next round took place in June 2015 in Moscow.

In November 2017, on the sidelines of the 13th meeting of the Foreign Minister of the ASEM Forum in Naypyidaw, Deputy Foreign Minister Igor Morgulov met with RSM Deputy Foreign Minister Zhuo Ting.

Ties and delegation exchanges along the military line are actively developing. During the official visit of the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Sergei Shoigu to Naypyidaw in January 2018, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on a simplified procedure for the entry of warships into the ports of Russia and Myanmar. In June 2017, the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Myanmar, Min Aung Hline, was in Russia, who held talks in Moscow with S.K. Shoigu and the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev. Deputy Minister of Defense of the RSM Myin Nwe took part in the 6th Moscow Conference on International Security (April 2017), Air Force Commander Khin Aung Myin led the Myanmar military delegation at the International Aviation and Space Salon MAKS-2017 (July), Chief of Staff Ground Forces Mou Myin Thun - at the International Military-Technical Forum "ARMY-2017".

In December 2017, a friendly visit to the port of Tilava (Yangon) of a detachment of warships from the Pacific Fleet consisting of the Admiral Panteleev BOD and the large sea tanker Boris Butoma took place.

Bilateral cooperation is intensifying in the field of combating new challenges and threats through the Security Council of the Russian Federation and the Office of the National Security Adviser of the RSM Government, formed in January 2017. Myanmar's National Security Advisor Town Tun paid a visit to Moscow in March 2017 and held talks with the Secretary of the Security Council N.P. Patrushev. He also headed the Myanmar delegations that participated in the VIII and IX international meetings of high representatives in charge of security issues (Zavidovo, May 2017; Sochi, April 2018), during which his contacts with the leadership of the Russian Security Council were further developed and profile Russian departments. On April 27, 2018, Town Tun met with Deputy Foreign Minister Igor Morgulov.

Steps are being taken along the line of inter-parliamentary relations. On July 25-27, 2018, a delegation of the deputy group of the State Duma of the Russian Federation for relations with the parliaments of Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar headed by A. Chepa visited Myanmar. Meetings were held with the leadership of the international affairs committees of both chambers of the Union Parliament, the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Myanmar, Senior General Min Aung Hline, as well as the Minister of International Cooperation Zhuo Ting. During the talks, the Myanmar partners outlined plans to create a parliamentary group for cooperation with Russia, confirmed their interest in enhancing ties between the specialized committees of the legislative assemblies of the two countries and expanding bilateral interaction within the framework of international inter-parliamentary organizations.

The legal framework of bilateral relations is being improved. In 2017, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on the establishment of a trade mission of the Russian Federation in Yangon and a memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Telecom and Mass Communications of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Information of Myanmar on cooperation in the field of mass communications.

In September 2017, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar intergovernmental commission on trade and economic cooperation was held in Moscow under the chairmanship of the Minister of Economic Development of the Russian Federation M.S. Oreshkin and the Minister of Planning and Finance of the RSM Zho Win.

According to the Federal Customs Service of Russia, the volume of trade with Myanmar in 2017 amounted to USD 216.7 million (a decrease of 16.1% compared to 2016). Exports of Russian goods to RSM - $ 167.3 million (+ 42.8%), imports from Myanmar - $ 49.3 million (-61%). The range of Russian supplies to Myanmar includes machinery, equipment and vehicles (65.4%), metals and metal products (3.6%), chemical products (3.4%), mineral products (2.5%). The main imports from Myanmar are textiles and products from it (71%), food and agricultural raw materials (23.4%).

The accumulated Russian investment in the Myanmar economy is USD 94 million, of which USD 38.3 million falls on the capital investment of Bashneft, which operates under a production sharing agreement signed in 2014 with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Corporation on the mainland EP block -4.

In May 2018, under the auspices of the State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar Working Group on Cooperation in the Field of Peaceful Use of Atomic Energy was held in Yangon. Russian participation in the creation of nuclear infrastructure in Myanmar, the development of nuclear medicine, the construction of research nuclear reactors and charged particle accelerators.

An important project of bilateral cooperation is the construction of an iron-smelting plant in Pangpet with the participation of JSC VO Tyazhpromexport. After the suspension of work in 2017, the parties are taking measures to complete its construction and commission it at the end of 2019, subject to the resumption of financing by the Myanmar side of the works in its area of ​​responsibility.

In order to expand contacts between the business circles of the two countries in July this year. a memorandum of cooperation was signed between the Roscongress Foundation and the Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

The Russian side is assisting in the modernization of the hospital in Toundji, built by Soviet specialists in 1961. In December 2017, a memorandum was signed in Yangon on financing Russia's contribution to the budget of the UN Office for Project Services for the preparation of a feasibility study for the relevant work.

In the field of education, engineering, scientific and military personnel from the RSM are trained in the leading technical universities of Russia on a contract basis. In 2017, more than 200 Myanmans were sent to Russia along this line.

7 scholarships were allocated for training at the expense of the federal budget of Myanmar for the 2018/2019 academic year (a year earlier - 4). Among the Myanmar youth, there is a steady interest in studying in our country (more than 40 applications have been submitted to the portal of the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia).

Within the framework of cooperation in the field of healthcare in 2017, three groups of doctors from the RSM (more than 20 specialists in total) participated in scientific, practical and training seminars organized by the Ministry of Health of Russia. In February 2018, the Russian companies Radiotherapy Technologies (Moscow) and RITM OKB ZAO (Taganrog) held practical seminars and a presentation of medical diagnostic and treatment equipment at the Military Hospital No. 2 in Yangon.

In November 2017, specialists from the RSM Ministry of Health took part in a meeting of senior officials and experts in the field of public from the countries participating in the East Asia Summit (EAS), organized under the auspices of Rospotrebnadzor, on cooperation in the field of combating infectious diseases... The issue of signing a bilateral memorandum of cooperation in the field of ensuring sanitary and epidemiological well-being is being considered.

The total number of Russian tourists who visited Myanmar in 2017 was about 4.5 thousand people. In March 2018, several large Myanmar travel companies took part in the 25th Moscow International Travel and Tourism Exhibition.

Bilateral cooperation in the field of culture and art demonstrates positive dynamics. In May 2017, within the framework of the international program of the St. Petersburg House of Music "The Embassy of Musical Excellence", Russian musicians visited Yangon, who gave a concert on the stage of the National Theater and held a master class for students of the University of Culture and Arts. In February 2018, the Society for Friendship and Cooperation with the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (OVDRM) organized performances by Russian singers and dancers in a number of Myanmar cities to mark the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Myanmar.

In December 2017, the delegation of the State Museum of Oriental Art held meetings with the leadership of the Ministry of Religious and Cultural Affairs and a number of RSM museums, during which issues of establishing bilateral contacts and exchange of experience were discussed.

In April, a cooperation agreement was signed between the All-Russian Children's Center Ocean (Vladivostok) and the Association of Teachers of Private Schools in Yangon. In July-August 2018, a trip of the first group of Myanmar schoolchildren in the amount of 15 people is planned to a children's recreation camp on the territory of the Far Eastern Military District.

The ODRSM is active. In February 2017, the President of the Society, M.A. Dmitriev, during his visit to Myanmar, met with the State Counselor, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RSM Aung San Suu Kyi. Prospects for enhancing contacts between NGOs and citizens of the two countries, as well as establishing interaction with the Myanmar-Russian Friendship Association were discussed.

fix

REPUBLIC UNION OF MYANMAR

General information. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar is located in Southeast Asia, on the Indochina Peninsula, borders with Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand, in the southwest it is washed by the Bay of Bengal, in the south by the Andaman Sea. Territory - 677 thousand sq. km.

The climate is monsoon, tropical, with two seasons: rainy (June-October) and dry, dividing into cool (November-February) and hot (March-May) periods.

Population - 52.4 million people. (about 70% are Burmese, the rest are Shans, Karens, Kachins, ranks, Monas, Arakans, representatives of other small ethnic groups, as well as people from China, India and other countries, in total - 135 nationalities).

The administrative capital is the city of Neypyidaw (population - 1.2 million people). The largest city and trade and economic center is Yangon (over 6 million people). The country is divided into 7 administrative and 7 national regions.

The state language is Burmese (recently the name "Myanmar" is also used).

The main religion is Buddhism (practiced by 89.4% of the population); there are Christian (4.9%), Muslim (3.9%) and Hindu communities (0.5%).

The national currency is kyat (zha). The official exchange rate is about 1400 Kyat - 1 USD (August 2018).

A brief historical overview. The first large Burmese state arose in the 11th century. with the center in the city of Pagan in the central part of the country. From 1886 to 1948 Burma was a British colony (occupied by Japan in 1942-1945). January 4, 1948 proclaimed an independent state (Union of Burma). The period of parliamentary democracy (1948-1962) was interrupted in March 1962 by a military coup and the establishment of a one-party "socialist" regime. In the conditions of an acute internal political crisis in September 1988, the military came to power in the country, proclaiming a course of market reforms and a smooth transition to democracy. In May 2008, the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was adopted by a general referendum. Following the results of the first parliamentary elections in 2010, which were boycotted by the opposition, political forces close to military circles won. In November 2015, parliamentary elections were held for the second convocation, with the leading opposition party National League for Democracy, led by its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, winning the majority of seats.

State structure... The head of state is the president (Vin Myin), who, together with two vice presidents, is elected by parliament; the actual head of the government is the state councilor (Aung San Suu Kyi). The bicameral Union Parliament consists of the Assembly of Nationalities (chaired by Ma Vin Khain Tan) and the Assembly of People's Representatives (chaired by T. Khun Mya); legislative acts are approved at joint sessions of both chambers. In accordance with the constitution, the leadership of the armed forces, represented by the Commander-in-Chief (Art. General Min Aung Hlain), appoints the heads of three ministries (defense, internal and border affairs) and military deputies, for whom a quarter of the seats in the Union Parliament and fourteen regional legislative assemblies are reserved. The highest judicial body is the Supreme Court (chaired by Thun Thun U).

Economy. Myanmar has rich natural resources: timber, mineral and ore minerals (copper, zinc, tin, tungsten, antimony, gold, silver, jade, rubies, sapphires), oil (proven reserves - 206.9 million barrels), gas - 350 -400 billion cubic meters m), significant water resources, fish and seafood (the potential for their extraction is estimated at 1.1 million tons per year).

The volume of GDP in 2017 is 66.5 billion US dollars, per capita - about 1264 dollars (in purchasing power parity). The total volume of declared foreign investments is more than $ 76 billion.The economic growth rate in 2017 is 6.7% (in 2016 - 5.9%), the inflation rate is 7%, the budget deficit is about 3.5% of GDP, external debt - about USD 10 billion, gold and foreign exchange reserves - USD 9.4 billion. Average duration life - 61 years.

The main branch of the Myanmar economy is agriculture, which employs up to 70% of the working-age population and produces about 36% of GDP. Industry accounts for 26% of GDP.

At the end of 2017, the volume of foreign trade amounted to USD 29.1 billion (exports - USD 11.9 billion, imports - USD 17.2 billion). The main export items are gas, rice, legumes, seafood, timber (primarily teak), garments, precious and semi-precious stones; imports - consumer goods, machinery and equipment, metals, edible oils, cement, fertilizers, medicines. Leading foreign trade partners are China, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan and India.

Domestic policy. The country's government is carrying out political and socio-economic reforms aimed at democratizing public life and developing a market economy. Among the leading domestic political priorities of the current government are resolving the crisis situation in the Rakhine national region and the development of a peace process with ethnic armed groups based in the border regions in the north and east of the country.

Foreign policy. Due to its location, Myanmar is at the intersection of the strategic interests of the regional "poles of power" - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China and India. The main vector of Myanmar's foreign policy is the development of ties within the ASEAN framework. Naypyidaw strives to maintain the most balanced relationship with its neighbors and the world's leading powers.